Issues In Sport And Touch Football Sociology Essay

Published Date: 23 Mar 2015

This research explores the way gender is perceived and constructed within the examined roles of touch football referees, with the aim of investigating gender equity relative to the participation and experience of female referees in touch football. The key questions of this thesis emanate from concerns around the equitable distribution of officiating sports roles. This concern also extends to individuals who may want to shift from participating in sporting activities just as participants to officiating in sports.

Officiating and volunteering roles in sport have typically been highly gendered, with females over-represented in lower status roles. Females have tended to dominate the non-paid volunteer positions in sporting operations, while males are typically over-represented in leadership roles. This inequity has been strongly rallied against by researchers who have adopted a gender focus in their research.

This thesis contends that the sporting practice of 'touch football', whilst considered by many to be a sporting practice that is reflective of current societal norms and values, could benefit from a gendered analysis. In order to operationalise the research, a case study approach was adopted which examined the role of female referees officiating in a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The role of referees in the local touch football competition presents a number of unique factors which are highly beneficial to this study. Refereeing in the competition is open to both males and females in the mixed competition. The selection of referees is through an administrative process that involves a number of relevant processes that draw on broader gender equity issues such as credentialism and professionalism, as well as simple gender bias.

Theoretically the research approach has drawn on elements of the work of Norbert Elias, in particular the concept of figurationalism, and also the post-structuralist approach from Actor Network Theory [ANT]. The methodologies and analysis explore the site of touch football in a small rural setting through engaging with the touch football participant's experiences of playing and officiating in the role of referee in the competition.

The research is significant for several reasons and at different levels. First, Australian Government policies such as the Active Women: National Policy for Women and Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical Activity, 1999-2002 (1999a), and How to include Women and Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical Activity: Strategies and Good Practice (1999b) require Australian sport institutions to foster sporting cultures that allow and value the full involvement of females in every aspect of sport.

Second, societal practices that support inequities are persistent and will re-emerge as dominant forms if they are not subjected to critical examination and leadership given for just change.

Third, at a game administration level, gender equity is identified as a key strategy to ensure the long-term growth of the sporting practice by ensuring equal opportunities in all aspects of the game.

Fourth, at a game and individual level, the inclusion of an appropriate gender mix will help to neutralise unwanted masculine traits of overt aggression and sexist behaviour from the sport. Female participation in the referee role that is reflective of the female player cohort will arguably help to shape the sporting practice to reflect the shared values of a mixed competition, focusing on the positive social and physical benefits of the game.

Last, the research area is of keen interest to the researcher and is an area of inquiry where there is prior knowledge of the location of roles within the sporting practice, and a capacity and ease for the researcher to engage with those involved at the local level.

1.2 Research hypothesis

This thesis seeks to explore whether a gendered approach to examining a local touch football competition will assist in improving the outcomes of both males and females in relation to officiating within the sport. Therefore, this thesis is concerned with the equitable representation of female referees in the local mixed touch football competition. Individuals' understandings of gender differences within the role of referee and applicable strategies to address gender equity will frame the thesis.

This thesis is best read as a preliminary analysis of gender equity in refereeing within the sporting practice of touch football. The research is approved by the CQUniversity Human Research Ethics Committee [H12/02-019], Queensland Touch Association and Central Queensland Touch Association.

1.3 Research background

1.3.1 Key concerns in sport

Sport has historically attracted considerable attention from social theorists and commentators, with approaches ranging from macro and meta-analysis of sporting behaviours and outcomes to micro approaches that examine the everyday and mundane elements of sport. This thesis adopts a gendered, post-structuralist approach to exploring the key issue of gender equity in the roles of officiating in sport. In the next section, a background will be given of the key concerns that helped shape the research process and an introduction to touch football will assist the uninitiated to the sporting practice. An elementary understanding of the sporting practice, together with a familiarity with the general history and values embedded in the sporting practice will assist in a reading of the research.

1.3.1.1 Gender in sport

The research adopts a gendered approach as gender is seen as an important social construct. The construct of gender can be used to uncover and understand better sporting practices, offering an opportunity to improve the individual and collective outcomes that are associated with particular sports. The sociology of gender has developed in line with successive waves of the feminist's movement and creates an intellectual endeavour in its own right (Weedon 1997). This thesis uses a working definition of gender as a 'system of social practices' as a means to interrogate the social arrangements of touch football (Ridgeway and Smith-Lovin 1999, p. 192). The gendered social practices establish and maintain gender distinctions, differences and inequalities. Relationships between actors are organised to some extent on those distinctions, differences and inequalities. Gender represents those social, cultural and psychological traits linked to males and females through particular social contexts and translations.

Debate remains on all elements that comprise feminist theory, but basically, the consensus is that a theory is feminist if it can be used to contest a 'status quo' that is damaging to females (Chafetz 1988; Hall 1996). Feminists work through various avenues to increase female's empowerment. Feminists accept the goal of ending sexism by empowering females (Weedon 1997), though there is a great deal of disparity about how that goal can be achieved.

One interpretation is that there are numerous femininities and masculinities which are more multiple than singular or bi-polar expressions of gender. Miller (2009, p. 127) contends 'masculinity [and femininity] is best viewed not as a property or an essence, but as a series of contingent signs and practices that exercise power over both males and females, and to know it is to shift it, not just to love it'. The processes and relationships through which males and females conduct their gendered lives should be the focus of researchers (Connell 2005). Males and females cannot be defined as being a certain gender, as their gender is a fluid aspect of their identity that is not constrained to one of a finite number of gender categories. However, outcomes for males and females differ, which subsequently introduces a challenging tension with conceptualisations of gender as subjectively fluid and yet objectively presenting as correlated to differing outcomes.

The demand to formulate opportunities for females to successfully compete in sport then becomes both complex and highly disputed (Hall 1996; Hargreaves 1994). This is illustrated in debates over separatist sporting activities as opposed to mixed competitions, or with regards to the imbalance in media representations of female's sport compared to male's sport. As a clear reminder of the relevancy of gender equity in sport, the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Index shows that Australia is ranked twenty-third out of one hundred and thirty-five nations on a series of gender-based disparities, with a considerable decline in the relative progress (Hausmann, Tyson, Bekhouche and Zahidi 2011).

1.4 Research approach - why studying touch football is important

The research involves a case study of a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The next section provides a contextualisation for the research by describing key elements of touch football. A brief history of the game of touch football in Australia is also presented.

1.4.1 Key elements of touch football

1.4.1.1 Getting to the field of play [1] 

1.4.1.1.1 The playing field and the ball

Touch football, also known as touch rugby or touch, is typically played on a rectangular field, and measures seventy metres in length from score line to score line [2] and fifty metres in width (Touch Football Australia 2007). The playing surface is normally grass however, other surfaces may be used. The game is played with an oval, inflated ball slightly smaller than rugby league and rugby union balls. The official ball size is thirty-six centimetres long and fifty-five centimetres in circumference (Touch Football Australia 2007).

1.4.1.1.2 Mode of play

The aim of the game of touch football is for each team to score touchdowns [3] and to prevent the opposition from scoring (Touch Football Australia 2007). The ball may be passed, flicked, knocked, handed or thrown [but not kicked] sideways or backwards between teammates who can run or else move with the ball in an attempt to gain territorial advantage and score (Touch Football Australia 2007). Defending players prevent the attacking team [4] from gaining a territorial advantage by touching [5] the ball carrier or attacking players may initiate touches at which point, play stops and is restarted with a roll ball [6] (Touch Football Australia 2007).

1.4.1.1.3 Possession

Unless other rules apply, the team with the ball is entitled to six touches prior to changing possession with the opposing team (Touch Football Australia 2007). Following the sixth touch or the loss of possession due to any other means, players of the team losing possession are to hand or pass the ball to the nearest opposition player, or place the ball on the ground at the mark [7] without delay (Touch Football Australia 2007). Attacking players who ask for the ball are to be handed the ball. Players are not to delay the changeover procedure.

1.4.1.1.4 Defending

From the tap [8] for the start of the game or from a penalty, the defending team must be at least ten metres from the point of the tap (Touch Football Australia 2007). After making a touch, the defending team must retreat the distance the referee marks, at least five metres from the mark where the touch occurred, and remain there until the half [9] touches the ball (Touch Football Australia 2007). If a player does not retreat the entire distance the referee marked, they are considered offside. If a player makes an attempt to defend whilst inside this distance, they will be penalised.

1.4.1.1.5 Scoring

A touchdown is awarded when a player [without being touched and other than the half] places the ball on the ground on or over the team's attacking score line and within the boundaries of the touchdown zone [10] (Touch Football Australia 2007). A touchdown is worth 1 point. The team who at the end of play has scored the most touchdowns is declared the winner. In the event of neither team scoring, or in the event of both teams scoring the same number of touchdowns, a draw is declared.

1.4.1.1.6 The half

The half [or acting half] is subject to a number of restrictions that do not apply to other players. If the half is touched with the ball, the attacking team loses possession. The half cannot score a touchdown since trying to do so results in a change of possession. If the half takes too long to retrieve the ball, the referee can call play on and defenders are allowed to move forward before the half has touched the ball.

1.4.1.1.7 Commencement/recommencement of play

Play is started by a tap at the beginning of each half, following a touchdown and when a penalty is awarded. The tap is performed by an attacking player placing the ball on the ground at or behind the mark [11] , releasing both hands from the ball, touching the ball with either foot a distance of not more than one metre and retrieving the ball cleanly (Touch Football Australia 2007). The defensive team must stay at a minimum distance of ten metres from the mark during the tap, unless they are positioned on their own score line. The defensive players can move after the ball carrier has touched the ball with their foot. The player who has performed the tap may be touched without losing possession. The attacking side must be positioned behind the ball when it is tapped. The attacking side may move the ball up to ten metres directly behind the given mark when taking a penalty tap. In this case, the defending side must still remain ten metres from the original mark, not the new mark.

1.4.1.1.8 Player attire

All participating players are to be correctly attired in team uniforms. Uniforms typically consist of upper apparel [t-shirts or polo shirts], shorts [or briefs for female players] and socks with footwear (Touch Football Australia 2007). Shoes with screw-in studs are not to be worn by any player. Light leather or synthetic boots with soft-moulded soles are permitted, as long as individual studs are no longer than thirteen millimetres (Touch Football Australia 2007). All players are to wear an identifying number clearly displayed on the front or rear of the upper garment (Touch Football Australia 2007). Players are not to participate in any match while wearing any item of jewellery. Long or sharp fingernails are to be trimmed or taped.

1.4.1.2 Administration of touch football

1.4.1.2.1 The referee, line judges and touchdown zone officials, and the importance of the whistle

Touch football must have at least one referee to officiate the game but most major games encompass one central referee and two sideline referees, who interchange roles constantly throughout the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee is the sole judge on matters of fact and is required to arbitrate on the rules of the game during play (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee may impose any sanction necessary to control the match and in particular, award penalties for infringements against the rules (Touch Football Australia 2007). Line judges and touchdown zone officials assist the central referee with tasks associated with sidelines, score lines and touchdown zone lines, and other matters at the discretion of the central referee. Their normal duties include indicating the ten metres distance for taps from a penalty, controlling substitutions, matters of backplay and other advice when sought by the central referee (Touch Football Australia 2007).

The central referee must have a whistle to control the game. The start of play and a touchdown are signalled by long whistle blasts. A sixth touch, short whistle blast and the end of play, a long, fluctuating whistle blast (Touch Football Australia 2007). The standard whistle in Australia is the Acme Thunderer fifty-eight point five.

1.4.1.3 Rules of the game

1.4.1.3.1 Team composition and substitution

A team consists of fourteen players, no more than six of who are allowed on the field at any time (Touch Football Australia 2007). In mixed competitions, the maximum number of males allowed on the field of play is three (Touch Football Australia 2007). The minimum male requirement on the field of play is one (Touch Football Australia 2007).

Players may substitute at any time during the game in keeping with the 'interchange procedure' (Touch Football Australia 2007, p. 10). There is no limit to the number of times a player may interchange, but substitutions can only be made from players who are registered at the commencement of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007).

1.4.1.3.2 Duration

The match is forty-five minutes duration, entailing two twenty minute halves. There is a five minute half time break. When time expires play is to continue until the ball next becomes dead [12] (Touch Football Australia 2007). Should a penalty be awarded during this period, the penalty is to be taken.

1.4.1.3.3 Competition points

Points are awarded in competition matches throughout the season. Teams are awarded three points for a win or a bye, two points for a draw and one point for a loss or a forfeit (Touch Football Australia 2007).

1.4.1.3.4 Penalty

A penalty is to be awarded for an infringement by any player in line with the rules of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). For example, a penalty is awarded to the non-offending team if the ball is passed forward, a 'touch and pass' is committed, a player does not perform the roll ball at the mark, an obstruction is committed, a defending player does not retreat in a straight line to an onside position, a player is offside [on-field player or substitute], and a player acts in contradiction of the rules or spirit of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007).

1.4.1.3.5 Positions

Teams are split into three positions, two 'middles' [the central players], two 'wings' [the players on either edge of the field] and two 'links' [the players between the wings and middles].

1.4.1.3.6 Grades

Touch football is normally played in four different ability categories ranging from A grade [the most competitive] through B, C and D grade [the most inexperienced and usually the least competitive].

1.4.2 The history of touch football in Australia [13] 

Touch football has evolved over time and is now considered to be a relatively fast-paced game. Changes in the structure of the sport have enabled the development of touch football to proceed.

1.4.2.1 From humble beginnings

The game of touch football has humble beginnings. Historically applied as a training model for rugby league and rugby union teams over the summer months of the 1950s and 1960s, it was originally not seen as a sport in its own right (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). Progressively more people, explicitly males over twenty-five years of age [14] , were recruited to touch football teams and formal competitions were established (Touch Football Western Australia 2007; Townsville Castle Hill Touch Association n.d.). The popularity of touch football was credited to the game being considered relatively safe compared to rugby league and rugby union (Touch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football was also considered to be a social activity affording the prospect for participants and supporters to gather in a relaxed sport setting.

The first 'formal' game of touch football in Australia was reportedly held in South Sydney, a strong traditional rugby league area (Touch Football Western Australia 2007). The South Sydney Touch Association was formed in 1968 and convened a competition at Pioneer Park, Malabar in that year (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Not long after, the sport gained popularity in a number of inner-city areas of Sydney. Consequently, the New South Wales Touch Association was formed in 1972, incorporating the six regions of Southern Suns, Sydney Scorpions, Sydney Rebels, Sydney Mets, Hunter Western Hornets and Northern Eagles, and about 1,500 registered players (Shilbury and Kellett 2006; Touch Football South Australia n.d.). The first country association was in Wagga Wagga, which was formed in 1973, and women's touch football was first played at a representative level in 1979 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009).

Touch football appealed to ex-rugby players retired from the game through age or injury, and to players not willing or capable of playing rugby, but interested in playing a form of 'rugby' (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). An increased awareness in fitness in the adult population and the availability of former rugby players to take part, all served to develop the game (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009).

1.4.2.2 The development of a touch football identity

Subsequently, touch football later appeared in numerous other New South Wales country regions before it became an official sport in Brisbane (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). From there the game developed in every other State and Territory in Australia, and the Australian Touch Association, now trading as Touch Football Australia, was founded in November 1978 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009).

With the establishment of these associations, game rules came to be standardised. However, a formal 'rule book' was not developed until late in 1980 (Touch Football Victoria 2009). In September 1981, the sport agreed to change its name from 'touch football' to 'touch' [15] , though to many the sport has also been known as 'touch rugby' (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007). A number of other changes resulted, such as the introduction of an official touch ball, which is notably smaller than both league and union balls, and the playing field size lessened, seventy metres by fifty metres (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Major rule changes occurred during this period, moving from seven players per side, which was implemented in 1980, to six-a-side (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Shortly after, the marker [16] was removed from the roll ball and the half was prevented from being able to score a touchdown (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007).

Recently, the Australian Touch Association has rebranded the sport as 'touch football' in an attempt to clarify that it is a 'sport with a ball' (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). While tackles and scrums are not elements of touch football, Touch Football Victoria (2009) suggested employing the term 'touch rugby' lends itself to an impression that the sport may be of a rough, physical nature, which is anything but reality.

Touch football was originally played under rugby league laws without activities that comprised hard physical contact (Coffey 2010). The simplicity, skills-based motion and avoidance of full-contact, together with team [social and communication] benefits and minimum equipment requirements, have become distinctive elements of the modern game.

1.4.2.3 Elite competition emerges

While the majority of touch football games are played at a local competition level, State level competitions have featured prominently in touch football. The earliest interstate clashes in touch football occurred when the Brisbane Touch Association representative team played the South Sydney team in 1973, 1974 and 1975 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). In the development of a standard set of rules for the sport, there has been a history of negotiated arrangements. For example, South Sydney wanted to have interstate matches played ten-a-side but Brisbane would not allow this, and the matches were played eight-a-side on a standard-sized rugby league field, measuring one hundred and twelve to one hundred and twenty-two metres by sixty-eight metres (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). One of the games in the series was played as a curtain raiser to an interstate rugby league clash (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football was played as a curtain raiser to the Sydney rugby league grand final in 1976 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009).

In December 1980, the inaugural National Championships were organised on the Gold Coast. This was essentially a contest between New South Wales and Queensland (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). Only three divisions were contested in that year, the open men's and women's, and over thirty-five men's, and included about 700-1,000 officials and players (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Western Australia 2007). By 1995, the National Championships provided for eleven divisions, together with 1,500 officials and players (Touch Football Victoria 2009). Development of the game meant that by 2005 the National Touch League [formerly the National Championships] catered for open, under twenties and senior divisions (Touch Football Western Australia 2007).

1.4.2.4 The rise of Internationalism [17] 

The success of the interstate clashes sparked interest in International competitions. In 1985, the Federation of International Touch was formed in Melbourne with Papua New Guinea, Canada, the USA, Fiji, New Zealand and Australia constituting the first members (Touch Football Victoria 2009). The first recognised International game was a test series played between Australia and New Zealand at the South Melbourne Cricket Ground on 23 March 1985 (Touch Football Victoria 2009). The game has continued to expand overseas with the last World Cup in Edinburgh, Scotland attracting teams from twenty-six countries, including Spain, South Africa, Japan, USA, Scotland, Singapore and the Cook Islands among others (Federation of International Touch 2011a; 2011b).

Touch football was a National phenomenon based on participant skill and teamwork, with a degree of fitness thrown in at the elite level (Coffey 2010). The non-contact format that allows participation by all ages and both genders, even in mixed form has helped the sport to gain popularity.

1.5 Referee demand in touch football

As mentioned earlier, the development of touch football and an associated playing code for the game has clearly established the role of officials as arbiters of the game. While there is clarity over the need for officials in the touch football competition and a playing code is well established, there is a level of ambiguity in the sporting practice which allows for negotiated changes to the playing environment and to particular interpretations of the rules of play. As is common in most sports, the performance of referees is a discussion point that can cause some levels of concern. Officiating in sports can be a difficult task, particularly in a 'fast-moving' sport in which there is a level of interpretation and limited technological assistance at the local level to aid referees. At a sports administration level, the demand for referees at local sporting fixtures has frequently been mentioned over the past ten years (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2009; Touch Football Australia 2010b; Touch Football Victoria 2011). The unmet demand has led to the establishment of numerous broad recruitment and retention strategies. The success of these strategies varies within different levels of the sport.

This thesis contends that touch football represents more than simply a new game and is in fact, an opportunity to better understand the gendered nature of sporting activities. The thesis sets about this issue through a case study of a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The aim is to gain a better understanding of the gendered nature of refereeing roles through personal interviews with participants, together with female referees in the competition. This 'gendered' understanding will arguably facilitate better recruitment and retention strategies for female referees in touch football.

1.6 Structure of the thesis

This thesis will explore perceptions and constructions of gender within the roles of touch football referees and suggest ideas for recruitment and retention. Chapter Two examines relevant theoretical concerns proceeding from the work of Norbert Elias and the post-structuralist works of Bruno Latour. It then reviews the literature regarding gender in sport.

Chapter Three discusses the research approach that was utilised. It then describes the methods that have been chosen to explore the gendered nature of refereeing roles in touch football and the data analysis methods. It concludes by discussing ethical considerations in the research process and the limitations of the research.

Chapter Four describes the findings from the research. The desktop research results are presented first. These results are presented in a quantitative format that empirically describes the gender breakdown of the sport. Second, the qualitative data that was obtained from the in-depth interviews with the eleven members of the touch organisation is presented. This data was compiled after the initial quantitative research was completed in the research process. Participant observation results are presented third.

Chapter Five discusses the findings that resulted from the research. The significance of the findings is then discussed.

Chapter Six, the conclusion, suggests directions for future research.

CHAPTER TWO: Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

In Chapter One the preliminary argument is proposed that touch football is a unique sporting practice entailing a continuum of social practices and values that are in many ways gendered. This chapter will broaden this discussion through an exploration of the sociological literature that concentrates on the role of gender in sport and, where possible, on the role of referees and issues of direct concern in this thesis.

The literature presents a number of constraints that exist for female sports officials. However, to contextualise the identified constraints a review of the theoretical generalisations and heuristic insights founded in Eliasian analysis and Actor Network Theory will first be examined.

2.2 Theoretical frameworks

2.2.1 Eliasian analysis

Norbert Elias's work has featured significantly within the sociology of sport and has much to contribute to an academic understanding of sporting practices (Elias and Dunning 1970; Dunning 1990, 1994; Dunning and Maguire 1996; Kew 1990; Maguire 1993). In undertaking the thesis, it seemed apparent to the researcher to review this work.

Elias argues that power is a 'game' of interdependencies which are historically and socially produced (Dopson 2001). Changes in our subjectivity are closely linked with historical changes in interdependency networks and as a result, individuals are tied up with society or changing power relations (Newton 1999). He further argues for recognition of individuals as 'Homines aperti', which represents a view of individuals in the plural (Newton 1999, 2001). Elias argues that modern society is characterised by an increasing complexity in interdependency networks (Newton 2001). These networks condition the very personal aspects of our identity. They condition our sense of who we are.

Thus, Elias asserts that our sense of self and discourses about the self are strongly interrelated to changes in figuration and broader power relations (Newton 1999). For Elias, the event of changing senses of the self emerges within the social relations and interdependencies of the day (Burkitt 1994). In other words, discourses about the self emanate from the social backgrounds, social groups and material interests already constituted. Discourses are instituted in society (Wetherell and Potter 1992). Increasing urbanisation, globalisation, commercialisation and secularisation impact on the social establishment of discourse. It should be recognised that the ways in which individuals comprehend themselves and the social arena in which this occurs is an agential sense (Newton 1999, 2001).

Elias argues that individualisation of the Western self [or Homo clausus, 'we-less I'] [18] conceals historical and contemporary figurational interdependencies. He argues that Westerners no longer think and act from the 'we' viewpoint which existed in primitive [mechanical] societies. This occurred in close knit populations where individuals were in the constant presence of others and were linked to others for life (Elias 1991). Instead, in modern larger, centralised and urbanised nation state societies, the mobility of individuals in the social and spatial sense increases (Elias 1991). Their involvement, formerly dependent on localised kinship systems, is no longer reduced. Sporting brands, teams and practices promote a global sense of connectivity in modern sport. These factors urge a greater sense of mutual identification.

Therefore, Elias reveals that modern organisations contain diverse component units which in turn contain individuals who may simultaneously be members of diverse intra-organisational units and who, mutually, comprise the overall organisation (Connolly and Dolan 2011). Indeed, this structure of overlapping membership, including the 'we' identities in relation to specific social units connected to this can bring about conflict and tensions (Connolly and Dolan 2011). Elias suggests that the product of such conflicts, interconnected with inter-organisational relations, determines the growth towards or away from greater integration (Connolly and Dolan 2011).

Despite the claims to oppose 'false dichotomies' and hold as centrally important the process or interactive aspects of culture and relations of power, Eliasian analysis is an approach which embodies epistemological issues [19] (Hargreaves 1994). Explicitly, Eliasian analysis contains a tension between a modernist conceptualisation of order and a postmodern sense of chaos and fragmentation, and does not create a passive view of the subject (Dopson 2001; Newton 1999, 2001). Furthermore, it is argued that Elias neglects the work of other scholars, especially the work of feminist theorists, and thus reduces the complexity of the outside intellectual world, and his approach shows psychological reductionism (Dopson 2001; Newton 2001). Critics suggest Eliasian analysis concentrates on male experiences, marginalises females and has little to say about gender relations (Hargreaves 1992). An Eliasian approach is also viewed as highly relevant to present organisational analysis and inquiry (Newton 2001).

While there are serious criticisms of accepting Elias's work, uncritically there are important insights which assist in contextualising and critiquing gendered relations within sport. In essence, an Eliasian approach stresses the asymmetry of interdependencies, the 'networked' nature of agency and the interwoven form of human and socio-political development (Newton 1999). In doing so, it focuses attention to the means by which varied forms of power and subjectivity emerge within dynamic networks of social and political interdependence (Lever 2011). Organisations epitomise a series of units in friction [inter-and intra-organisational sense]. That is, a web of interdependencies in modern society (Connolly and Dolan 2011). This suggests a need to understand ourselves and to gain more concrete knowledge of the human world we form with others.

Hence, Elias's work can be a useful way to engage in understanding the gendered nature of refereeing within touch football. The key concept from Elias that will be used in this thesis is the nature of interdependencies and the multiple roles that impact on the performance of female referees.

2.2.2 Actor Network Theory

In more recent research, social theorists have drawn on Actor Network Theory (Kerr 2010, 2012; Paget 2011; Preston-Whyte 2008). This has created some challenges within the sociology of sport.

Actor Network Theory rejects the notion that society is constructed via human action and meaning alone (Prout 1996). Instead, the approach regards social life as being generated by actors, human and non-human, all of whom may be enrolled in the creation of knowledge that always adopts some material form (Lamers and Verbeek 2011). Actor Network Theory suggests that human agents, with machines, are all effects of networks of varied materials (Lamers and Verbeek 2011). Succinctly, the social is not seen as a truly human sphere but rather, as a 'patterned network of heterogeneous material' which includes institutions, texts, individuals and devices among others (Law 1992, p. 380). In application to this research, this has implications for understanding the sporting network of touch football. By implication to understand the location of the female referee in touch football, reliance purely upon discursive text would be insufficient. Instead, examination of the 'heterogeneous material' of touch football, together with the way in which they are interpreted becomes necessary.

Moreover, Actor Network Theory reveals that some networks are not obvious until they collapse (Law 1992; Yim 2009). Networks are infinitely complex, so being entirely conscious of all the networks around actors is unrealistic (Yim 2009). Human actors consolidate networks in order to 'simplify' the world around them (Yim 2009). Network patterns that are widely performed are often those that can be 'punctualised' (Law 1992; Yim 2009). In other words, they can be organised in such a way as to generate the look of a unitary common 'front' (Callon 1991). Punctualised networks become resources [20] in heterogeneous engineering (Law 1992). Specifically, they may obscure the complexity of the network or fail if resistance is encountered (Law 1992; Middleton and Brown 2005).

Actor Network Theory highlights that effects of order, power and organisation often stem from punctualised actors (Middleton and Brown 2005; Yim 2009). For Actor Network Theory, the effects of order, power and organisation are produced in a relational and distributional manner. No version is ever conclusive, autonomous and resolute (Law 1992). Thus, ordering and its effects, including power, is contestable and frequently questioned. Translation is a contingent, local and variable process (Law 1992; Yim 2009). Durable materials, communication materials and processes, calculation and scoping are methods that surmount resistance and contribute to stability (Law 1992; Yim 2009). The case study becomes an examination of the effects of order, power and the stabilised network.

Therefore, Actor Network Theory suggests that organisations are network effects that adopt the characteristics of the entities which they comprise. Entities and things are created or performed by and through relations (Aitken and Valentine 2006). In other words, organisations epitomise networks of heterogeneous actors, social, naturally occurring and technical, brought together into more or less secure associations or alliances (Alcadipani and Hassard 2010; Whittle and Spicer 2008).

Actor Network Theory is criticised for being unable to present a critical account of organisation [21] (Whittle and Spicer 2008). In particular, Actor Network Theory offers a limited study of social structures and escapes concerns of political bias and morality (Walsham 1997). In fact, Actor Network Theory inadequately conceptualises the division between humans and non-humans and does not successfully follow entities in the network analysis (Walsham 1997). The approach has been criticised for discounting gender interests and has a tendency to focus on sites where females are absent (Wajcman 1991; Whelan 2001). Actor Network Theory is also infinitely popular, despite its polemical claim about the agency of non-human actors, beyond the discipline of science and technology studies. It is readily applied to new case studies and transferred to studies in the fields of feminist studies (Grint and Gill 1995; Haraway 1991) and geography (Aitken and Valentine 2006).

In short, Actor Network Theory suggests that technology and society are mutually constitutive. The technological is part of what makes large-scale society possible (Wajcman 2002). As a result, organisations and their members are seen as effects engendered in multiple interactions, rather than existing merely in the order of things (Cordella and Shaikh 2006; Mills, Durepos and Wiebe 2010). Organisation is constant and unfinished, unstable and limited. The method employs a stance whereby organisations have never explained anything. Organisations have to be explained (Czarniawska 2006).

Actor Network Theory can be a fruitful theoretical approach to explore the way where gender plays itself out. The key concept from Actor Network Theory that will be used in this thesis is the idea of no preconceptions.

2.3 Understanding gender and sport

Drawing on both Elias's conceptualisation of the interdependencies of individuals within sporting practices, together with the brevity of gender analysis within Eliasian work and Actor Network Theory methods and encouragement for 'explaining' sites of gendered relations, this thesis responds to clear academic needs. Importantly, for more than half a century gender has been recognised as a core organising principle of social life (Ritzer 2011). Gender, which is broadly understood as a social construction for classifying individuals and behaviours in terms of 'male' and 'female', 'masculine' and 'feminine' (Ritzer 2011), is now an inevitable variable in sports studies. Through an emphasis on gender, a range of feminist understandings of how males as well as females organise themselves, in and through sport has been developed (Connell 2005; Hargreaves 1994; Messner and Sabo 1990). Feminist scholarship has documented and interrogated the significant issues of hegemonic masculinity, gender bias, stereotypical leadership, role conflict, role models, credibility, media, confidence, family, work and sport responsibilities, burnout, conflict and aggression, and homophobic harassment. Gender-related issues in sport are significant and useful tools for the examination of persistent and corrosive practices that uphold deep inequities in sporting practices.

By adopting a gendered approach in this thesis, there are key issues and concerns that have featured in the research literature that are central to the research aims and objectives.

2.3.1 Female referees and hegemonic masculinity

Many of the constraints in sport are allied to the cultural significance of sport to masculinity in society and this is clearly the case for female referees in male or mixed sporting environments.

'Sexuality and gendered power relations in sport are produced by, and are reproducers of, a wider gender order in which heterosexual males dominate non-heterosexual males and females of all sexual preferences. Like all ruling groups, heterosexual males cannot maintain their position without exercising hegemonic power, and masculine hegemony refers to the gender order in which images, symbols and ideas associated with males are ascendant' (McKay 1992b, p. 248).

Sport holds a sacred position in Australian society. It has often been equated to Australia's secular religion (Dunstan 1973; Rowe and Lawrence 1990). This cultural significance is especially poignant seeing that sports of the most celebrated varieties have been characterised as pre-eminent male domains. Several social theorists have concurred that sport has become one of the key sites of the social construction of masculinity in Western societies. Sport is an important arena wherein males can distinguish themselves from females and display their alleged physical superiority (Birrell and Theberge 1994a; Bryson 1990; Dunning 1986; Hall 1985; Hargreaves 1994; Messner and Sabo 1990; McKay 1992b).

Connell (1987, p. 98-99) has related this cultural expression of male superiority through sport with her concept of gender order in society, which she explains as a 'historically constructed pattern of power relations among males and females and definitions of masculinity and femininity'. Directing this order is a 'hegemonic masculinity', partly constructed and dramatically displayed through the most celebrated sports for instance the football codes [soccer, rugby league, rugby union and Australian Rules football], baseball, cricket, basketball, ice hockey and other National team sports which capture countries passions for displaying National prowess. This strong connection between the celebrated sports and masculinity acts to constrain and make inferior female sportspersons and other stigmatised masculinities. Connell contends historical gender expectations in this order are established to facilitate the political dominance of males in society generally and the secondary social and economic position of females. This leads to females in sport constantly competing to gain a measure of parity in opportunity, sponsorship, funding, training, recognition and reward for their sporting pursuits. This perceived order forms a difficult constraint for females in sport (Bryson 1990; Dunning 1986; Hall 1985; Hargreaves 1994; Messner and Sabo 1990; McKay 1992b).

Knoppers (1988) argues that the presence of too many females in a male-dominated career like officiating reduces the status and value of that role or sport. This occurs albeit the gender balance may be largely in favour of males. 'Gate keeping' by those in power hence becomes essential in that it preserves the valued maleness of sport. When this is coupled with the trend for males to go for all refereeing jobs and the 'old boys' network, effective mechanisms that strengthen hegemonic masculinity in the sporting context result.

The entities that sport celebrates, rewards and offers do not reflect a great deal of female's life experiences. Sometimes adopting the male value system goes against females, so that they are deemed to be 'domineering', 'iron maidens', 'workaholics', 'manipulative' and 'lesbians' (McKay 1992b). There is a view of masculinity when they are strong. Males are inclined to view sport as their territory, with the mere presence of females in the arena as a violation (Boxill 1993). Females in the male preserve of sport are generally seen as intruders and consequently, 'sport plays a secondary and reinforcing role in the degree of sexual segregation that exists among males and females' (Dunning 1986, p. 90).

2.3.2 Gender bias on the evaluation of referees

Thorngren (1990) identified gender bias, which comprised a perceived lack of respect for female's knowledge of athletics as one underlying reason for the decrease of females in peripheral roles. These gender beliefs are potent and persuasive, and start early in life (Gill 1994). Gender bias excludes all but elite female sports officials who are labelled as exceptions to the rule (Graf and Konoske 1999). Refereeing is a male pursuit.

The area of gender bias on the evaluation of female referees has been a research topic widely investigated over the past thirty years (Fasting and Pfister 2000; Frey et al. 2006; George 1989; Molstad 1993; Weinberg, Reveles and Jackson 1984). The argument sportspersons prefer to keep a male sports leader is one reason for not selecting female leaders, still it is unsubstantiated. A study by Medwechuk and Crossman (1994) on male and female swim coaches suggests sportspersons prefer to keep the gender of coach with whom they experience success. Therefore, if they were effective while being coached by a female, they tend to prefer a female coach. This supports the findings of Parkhouse and Williams (1986) and LeDrew and Zimmerman (1994).

Boxill (1993) talks of the notion that males are more knowledgeable about sports and are more capable, so they are naturally more qualified to referee sport. Females and parents regrettably believe this myth and hence influence the decision of sportspersons in their choice of sports official. A female referee has another gender-related hurdle to her career path when she receives such negative evaluations of sportspersons and parents towards her. While not part of the formal feedback process, when received, the negative feedback can be destructive to her confidence (Knoppers 1987).

2.3.3 Stereotypical leadership

The process of socialisation into adult roles in society suggests that females are still conditioned principally to assume supporting roles. Their leadership capacities are often contested and they may possibly lack the confidence to pursue careers in male domains like sports officiating (Bass and Bass 2008; Zeringue 1997). Sport as an applicable activity for females is discouraged, especially when a leadership position is involved, as leadership is related to masculine qualities. Females who exhibit leadership potential are tagged as aggressive, dominant and strong, qualities not valued in females (Moran 1992; Zeringue 1997). These stereotypical views about leadership abilities and aspirations imply that female referees are perceived as inferior to their male counterparts, not only by sportspersons but also by parents.

Sport administrators also share these stereotypical views. In his 1992 study, McKay questioned some male executives why there were such low numbers of female executives in Australian sport. One of the respondents contended that 'they are basically not tough enough… maybe it is hormonal or something because they crack under pressure a lot of the time' (McKay 1992a, p. 20). The stereotypical notion about their competence signifies that females are not only expected to prove themselves at work in the business hierarchy, but also in the sport hierarchy which has largely been created by males and reflects the hierarchal, competitive and assertive values of this masculine sports world (Hall, Cullen and Slack 1989).

2.3.4 Role conflict

Males and females assume masculine and feminine roles in our society via the socialisation process. Lovett, Lowry and Lopiano (1991, p. 211) say that 'society has viewed females to be physiologically, anatomically, biologically and psychologically different from males, and consequently, society expects their behaviour and image to be different from males'. Sports and physical recreation are not exempt from this view, as they afford an important arena where differences are repeatedly reaffirmed and where males can seek to validate their interpretation of superiority. The historical view of sports is that it is a male pursuit in a male-dominated, male-identified and male-centred milieu (Birrell and Theberge 1994b; Bryson 1990; Hargreaves 1994; McKay 1992b). In the stereotypical presentations of gender, masculine roles are likely to be dominant and independent, while frailty, passivity and caring are linked with feminine roles (Hargreaves 1994). This view can cause serious gender role conflicts for those females who become involved in male roles, as they are considered to be competitive, wanting to dominate and resolute in their pursuit of excellence.

2.3.5 Role models

Referees are important people in the operation of sport, and they tend to be a significant role model. Because there are less female referees than male, the prospects for a same gender referee are markedly decreased for female sportspersons. This becomes essential when we reflect that the gender of a sports official has a bearing on a sportsperson's ambition to referee. Lirgg, Dibrezzo and Smith (1994) concluded that female sportspersons with female sports leaders were more likely to express interest in sports leadership.

The lack of suitable role models for young female sportspersons can discourage them from regarding officiating as an appropriate career. Young sportswomen are participating in a setting where officiating is historically an undesirable position for females, hence they tend not to think about entering that area (Fasting and Knorre 2005).

2.3.6 Credibility

Female referees are under continual pressure to form their credibility. There is a suggestion that the greatest credibility a referee can construct derives from his or her personal performance as a sportsperson. If males are identified to be better sportspersons than females, then an issue with credibility exists even before a female becomes a sports leader (White, Maygothling and Carr 1989). The perception the female sports leader is not physically strong enough to lead sport, particularly in sports where she is necessitated to participate with the sportspersons, is one that still exists (LeDrew and Zimmerman 1994; White, Maygothling and Carr 1989). For instance, in some sports such as squash and tennis, female coaches often have to perform with their sportspersons during training sessions. If it is viewed that they do not possess the 'power' vital to work with the sportspersons, then they are hindered from advancing to elite levels.

In this circumstance their credibility as a sport leader hinges on their performance as a player (Campbell 1990; Reynolds et al. 1992). At this time females confront yet another constraint, namely, the premium put on certain physiological parameters of sport over others. English (1978) writes about the masculine bias that exists in sport. This refers to the historical fact some of our most popular and profitable sports developed around, and placed a premium on, facets such as height, power, strength and speed. Statistically speaking, most males score higher than most females on these properties. Thus, there are certain natural physiological advantages for males built into the very structure of many sports (Boxill 1993; Bryson 1987, 1990; Dunning 1986).

2.3.7 Media

The media affects refereeing in that the image the public have of the role comes from what they hear on the radio or see on television, newspapers and magazines. Very little attention is given to female's sport in the media, mainly those sports which are most likely to have female referees. Statistics collected in 2008 on media coverage of females in sport found that female's sports coverage made up nine percent of press coverage, twelve percent of radio sports coverage and thirteen percent of television coverage (Australian Sports Commission 2010).

Media coverage of sportswomen also has a tendency to be ambivalent (Donnelly, MacNeill and Knight 2008; Wensing and Bruce 2003). This technique can deter females from becoming involved.

2.3.8 Confidence

As most referees come from the player base, studies have been conducted on how female sportspersons see themselves in their role. Campbell (1990) suggests a lack of self-confidence stopped sportspersons from pursuing a sports leadership career. Crowley (1991) talks of the critical self-confidence that a sports leader needs to possess and how the lack of it can deter any decision to pursue that pathway. Berg (1996) found the latest group of sportspersons believed they had the capability to succeed in sports leadership. Berg (1996, p. 9) predicts females will access sports leadership careers in greater numbers over the next few years inferring sportspersons rated themselves high on the self-efficacy scale, showing they believed they had the abilities to be effective as sports leaders. Lirgg, Dibrezzo and Smith (1994) suggest perceived playing ability emerged as the strongest predictor of sports leadership self-efficacy. The research indicates performance feats are related to confidence in sports leadership.

The issue of confidence was recognised as a significant issue in the West and Brackenridge study (1990). This could explain the findings of a study done by George (1989) where she concluded female sportspersons who aspired to lead sport, preferred to lead females. Interestingly, the same study found these same females preferred themselves to be led by a male. As said by George (1989, p. 5), this contradiction in response is perhaps a reflection of females seeing themselves as having confidence and familiarity with leading their own gender, yet consciously or unconsciously perceiving that 'male is better' when a gender choice for sports leadership is made.

2.3.9 Family responsibility

Role conflict between refereeing responsibilities and family obligations is a major constraint for female sports leaders (Beaulieu 1990; Buchicchio 1995; Campbell 1990; Kellems and Pastore 1994; Whitson and Macintosh 1984). This constraint to sports leadership is not just a view of the sports leaders themselves, as many organisations are inclined to regard female's domestic responsibilities as a 'given' and outside the organisations' influence. McKay (1992a) found most females and a few males did not see their organisations as 'family friendly'. The conflict seems to stem from societal expectations of females and their responsibility for house chores, rather than organisational pressures alone.

Society still places an expectation on married females which males do not face. There is an expectation that no matter how successful females are at their profession, they will be the one required to leave work and raise the children. A male referee does not have the pressure of society suggesting they should be home looking after the children, as it is assumed that is what his spouse is doing (Thorngren 1990). Female sports officials are frequently asked how they can look after their home and the children, and have a time-consuming job (Thorngren 1990). A male is never asked such questions.

Females have less free time because of family and household duties (Beaulieu 1990; Dean 1992; Fasting 1986; Frisby and Brown 1991). Glezer (1991) contends that there are 'massive' gender differences in how females and males manage their work and family commitments. When applied to the context of sport, West and Brackenridge (1990) uncovered that females had a tendency to have less free time away from family and home tasks, and usually peripheral roles are a third job.

Hence, females cannot devote as much time to their sports officiating as their male peers. If a spouse is unsupportive of her choice to referee, an additional pressure has been added to the already tricky situation in which a female may find herself. Higher levels of accreditation demand referees to commit a greater amount of time. The schedule, which tends to comprise an increase in travel, training sessions and competitions, will become gradually mismatched with family life (REF).

There is no reservation that females bear the burden at home. Often male sports leaders do not have to carry out family responsibilities whereas female sports leaders do (Caccese and Mayerberg 1984; Hart and Hasbrook 1986). Knoppers (1987) talks about coaching as a two person single career for males throughout history. The wives watch competitions, amuse recruits, attend functions, raise the family and look after the home. Female coaches instead have a one person dual career, where together with these activities they have to coach as well. There are a limited number of husbands keen to help with the added duties. Sabock (1979) studied the attitudes of husbands of female coaches. They felt their main responsibility was to show tolerance for the disruption of household schedules and to share in household chores. Cheeseman (1991), at a conference on coaching, discusses the fact that to further her career she had to move interstate. It is rare for a male to consent to shift interstate so his female partner can make that career move. Though Cheeseman was lucky her husband supported her decision to leave. Sport leadership careers for some females end suddenly when they do not gain support from their spouse.

Buchicchio (1995) writes about the guilt female coaches feel when coaching takes place after the school day. They feel they spend too much time with the team and not enough with the family. Complaints from family members can be a major reason for not continuing with a sports leadership career.

Some males also encounter difficulties with family responsibilities. In the Australian context, Reynolds et al. (1992) found no difference between males and females in the requirement to be with the family. This conclusion agrees with findings by Hasbrook et al. (1990), Weiss and Sisley (1984) and Sage (1987). The study by Sage (1987) concludes a main reason for males dropping out of sports leadership is their family responsibilities. Hasbrook et al. (1990) contends male sports leaders, more so than female sports leaders, experienced time restraints because of family commitments. McKay (1992a) examined career paths for Australian sporting executives. He found all male interviewees had continuous career paths that child care, travel, long hours and domestic responsibilities had somewhat little influence on their careers. McKay also found the married females in his study had careers disrupted by childbirth, a partner's change in work and/or domestic responsibilities.

In studies of females in management, most females are unmarried or do not have a family, and they feel that this has played a part in their career success (Bass and Bass 2008; Frisby and Brown 1991, McKay 1992a). Knoppers (1988) submits the proposal peripheral roles are mismatched with marriage and family life. A career in refereeing is not viewed as a doable option for married females, hence leaving a potential pool for female sports officials that is made up of single, childless females.

2.3.10 Burnout

The prospect of burnout has been shown to be greater for female than male sports leaders. They recount considerabl