Aboriginal Identity In Australia

Published Date: 23 Mar 2015 Last Modified: 24 Apr 2017

At its very core, this paper is interested in Aboriginal identity in Australia; the principle concern is to analyse in-depth, the relationships between their cultural identity and the land. One of the main issues that face Aboriginal people in contemporary Australia has indisputably been the arrival of white settlers in the 18th Century. The events that have followed over the past 200 years have led to generations of disputes, degradation and ultimately the loss of land by the Indigenous people. Thousands of Indigenous people were killed and the survivors were simply put in reserves; their homeland have been exploited and resources taken without consent.

First and foremost, it must be made clear that the literature review here is as much about defining and understanding what Aboriginal geography is as much as providing a rigorous demonstration of the current issues of Aboriginal land rights and identity through views of both Aboriginal and non Aboriginal peoples. The aim therefore, is wholly about ensuring that the background of indigenous Australians is understood which will then put into perspective the context of the research project that follows, in Chapter 4. This review will geographically encompass the cultural issues and differences Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals have faced in recent history with reference to the effect of Aboriginal land rights on identity; a discussion of key texts from Gumbert and Maddock will allow a solid focus and reference point for the research. This will not only ensure that seemingly broad generalisations are eliminated but will also allow an in-depth understanding of why such research is necessary for a successful future regarding these issues. By this, the paper refers to the reconciliation of the Aboriginal race from the apparent generations of wrong doing by the colonisers.

The great importance in assessing the impacts on identity of such events in the modern day means there must be a level of understanding for the political and historical background of white settlement in Australia, meaning the nature of Australian colonisation and the struggles that have been part of the defining nature of the Aboriginal culture today will be thoroughly explored. The review and investigation that follow explores the difference in Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal values, knowledge systems and attitudes towards each other and the contested landscape.

There is of course, a further need to examine these issues in more than one context to ensure that the argument does not simply generalise and stereotype Aboriginal communities across Australia. Therefore, the review will not only discuss the history of land issues and identity creation but also discuss them in relation to the two knowledge systems involved in this process: that is, the separate concerns of the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people of Australia. Clearly, over the country's history, there has been a phenomenal difference in the way that the two groups view land and the link between the two is paramount to future development for an understanding between the two groups of people.

Academic Context

In light of the papers aims, the predominant classification that must be addressed is the very definition of an 'Aboriginal' person. Lenzerini (2008, p.75) notes that the term Aboriginal 'encompasses an infinite variety of diverse realities that sometimes greatly differ with each other'. A definition must be made despite this; a commonly accepted definition of Aboriginal people is written by Cobo (1986). It states that Aboriginal:

'communities, people and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from the other sectors of the societies now prevailing on those territories , or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to the future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity , as a basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal system'.

This definition broadly contains the meaning of what it means to claim Aboriginal identity in Australia and interestingly notes the negative connotations of colonialism. For a true understanding of Aboriginal identity and its relation to land rights, the study must look to the roots of the issue. At its very simplest then, as Gumbert (1984, p.xiii) notes, 'the founding of an English colony in 1788 led to the Aborigines losing their rights to their land. The loss of their land led to many generations of Aborigines losing their identity and their land'. The suggestion here is that when Aboriginal people lost their land to the British in the 20th Century, they also lost their identity. This is because their own cultural knowledge shows a strong understanding that each of them is attached to the country that they are at one with each other. As Sarra (2010) notes, this is 'qualitatively different from the relationship to land that prevails in mainstream Australia'. It can be instantly recognised then that the knowledge systems that the two groups demonstrate are undeniably different at their core, suggesting why there is such complex controversy surrounding the compatibility of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people in the same vicinity. For the indigenous people, the land is part of them and they are part of the land, making their dispossession even more offensive and disrespectful. Anderson and Gale (1992, p.220) discuss the inextricable binding that the Aboriginal people have with the land, explaining that it is not an external physical object but has mythical significance to their culture. The colonial vision however demonstrated a significantly different view of land. Heathcote (1972, p.27) recognises three stages in which Western cultures had entirely different knowledge systems in relation to land: The first stage was the increased level of industrial machinery used to exploit the land and its resources in an unregulated fashion, the second stage encompassed the same exploitative framework but in a more technical, strategic fashion. The third stage has been influenced in recent years by an ecological vision that recognises the limited resources used and is becoming rebranded under the framework of sustainable development. While this framework is of great use in recognising an economic colonial knowledge system, the author fails to consider the socioeconomic uses of the land, limiting its vision. This does however, successfully show the exploitative system that was brought by the colonisers. This enhances the divide between Aboriginals and non-Aboriginal.

It was then, in retrospect, seemingly inevitable that the struggle for land would always be fought by the indigenous people of Australia. There are undoubtedly a number of important events that have permeated this struggle and deserve recognition; however, rather than to generalise and dilute an examination of a range of different land claims and events over the course of history, the more significant examples will be discussed in detail to give a solid understanding of the issues. For example, one of the most significant movements that started Aboriginal land claims began in the 1960's with the Gurindji people, who in an effort to reclaim what they believed to be their land, left the areas which had been selected for them by the white people and instead moved back into an area which was legally owned by a British company (Gumbert, 1984, p.1). This powerful act demonstrated to the white people not only that they wanted their land back, but truly believed that the land belonged to them, and had done since to Dreamtime (which refers to the beginning of time for the Aboriginal people, an era in which spirits created the Earth (Flood, 1995, p.5)) . This movement became widely recognised as the Aboriginal land rights movement. It can be argued that this marked the beginning of the legal and political struggle for land and in effect, also demonstrates the real struggle that Aboriginal people have in showing white people what the land means to them. This strongly links to the Aboriginal knowledge systems and beliefs and again, their identity.

To be Aboriginal is significantly different to what it means to be British or European. At the heart of each culture is a considerably different approach to many of the values of life, not least to the land. As has been demonstrated, from a whiteman's perspective land is a commodity, a legal product to be bought and sold to each other whereas the indigenous people of Australia have a spiritual attachment to the land from the moment they are born (Morphy, 1983, p.110). It is these different knowledge systems that the research in Chapter 4 is interested in, as this has clearly been the issue for many generations between the two cultures. The fact that the term 'Aboriginal' did not exist until European settlement is testimony to this (Brush, 1996, p.1). The issues faced by the indigenous communities are more often than not quantified into economic terms which is an entirely Westernised view of looking at issues. The argument here is that the current issues surrounding Aboriginal people are seen through a biased, Western perspective and do not therefore consider what is significant to the Aboriginal people themselves. In this sense, the cultural significance that they uphold regarding the land was ignored and in its place laws of displacement were put forth (Myers 1991, p.127). Through a cultural understanding of the land and its people, the environment can be significantly affected (Saggers and Gray, 1991, p.16) yet as demonstrated, the arrival of Europeans brought different customs that upset the Aboriginal traditions; political power and laws being a significant driving force for the dispossession of land. It is argued then that Aboriginal land rights would never come about through settlers learning about the land tenure systems of Aborigines and a constant declaration of their attachment to the land (Morphy, 1978 p, 39).

It should be noted that as Australia became a colony of Britain it meant that it fell under British law instantly, unquestioned. Government policies brought to Australia instantly reduced Aboriginal people to 'aliens', giving them no legal stand point. This occurred to the extent that even their physical liberties were taken away from them. (Scholtz 2006, p.87). As Aboriginal people were increasingly displaced and 'rounded up' into small, controllable areas, there was a clear sign that the white people were trying to convert the indigenous people to their own societal values and began to lose what was their own culture and practices, particularly in more urbanised areas (Gale, 1972, p62). The Queensland Act number 17 of 1987 permitted this rounding up of Aboriginals which allowed Parliaments to put them into reserves which gave great power over the indigenous people. Further to this in the Northern Territory in 1910, the Aborigines Act and, in New South Wales the Aborigines Protection Amending Act 1915 was passed which gave the Chief Protector of the land legal powers and guardian status over Aboriginal children above and beyond the legal powers of the parent (Morphy 1991, p.32). This was obviously devastating to the Aboriginal community, yet was seen as a management scheme for white people against the Aboriginal 'problem'. It was hoped by the white that by legally confining Aboriginal people to institutions it would decrease the risk of miscegenation and the black people would eventually die out. These political laws led to what is referred to as the 'Stolen Generation' (Young, 2009, p.36) whereby children were taken from their parents and put into institutions. It was a way for white people to try and assimilate the blacks into their own customs. Robin argues that communities are still recovering from this attempt at assimilation, however this does not place more emphasis on the family attachments rather than the significance this has to land which is a slight weakness in the argument. Rather than understand the cultural difference, it has clearly been demonstrated that European settlers attempted to force their own laws upon the indigenous people of Australia, forcing them to lose their own culture and identity that had been with them for thousands of years (Broom and Jones, 1973, p.1). The argument for the 'stealing' of the children was that it was to integrate the indigenous people to the rest of society yet for the most part the Aboriginals who were removed from their parents were in reality more displaced than the rest of their community. It meant that they were not brought up in the same community as people from their own cultural heritage, and were instead taught the customs of the Westernised world, leading only to further loss of culture and identity.

As Maddock (1983. p.5) discusses, 'Aborigines can be seen as disadvantaged Australians in need of assistance if they are to step into the mainstream of life in this country'. There was a severe lack of help for the indigenous community in terms of the law. They could also be viewed as a minority, distinctly different culturally from the rest of the country and maintained as best they could. This distinction was an attempt to retain what British law was trying to wipe out. Whichever view was taken, it was clear that legally, either would make a significant impact on laws and policies of the future for Aboriginals in Australia. It was extremely clear that Aboriginals wished to claim their land back whichever way it was viewed; however in 1970, Peter Nixon, Minister of the Interior, presented a speech that shook the Aboriginal community, creating a deep sense that something must be done (Dagmar, 1978, p.134). Nixon stated that Aboriginals should not be encouraged to demand ownership of land simply because previous generations from their families had an attachment to the land. They would then, have to claim land in a similar way to other Australians.

Undoubtedly then, if the Aboriginal people wished not only to simply survive but to create a fairer livelihood for themselves then something ultimately had to be done. As the Europeans had entirely stuck to their own customs and laws then the Aboriginals realised the only way to create a lasting and permanent change was to bring the case to the courts. In June 1992, the High Court of Australia ruled in favour of the Mabo and Others v Queensland (No.2) case (or as it will be simply referred to, the Mabo case). This is undeniably one of the greatest achievements in recent history for Aboriginal communities all over Australia as it rejected the previous law of terra nullius that in essence was a term used to describe the land in a manner that allowed Britain to colonise the country; it did this by stating that the land had never been owned by a sovereignty, therefore nobody owned it (Kidd 2005, p.310). The case also agreed that there was such a notion of native title which meant Aboriginal people were free to oppose the white people who had dispossessed them from their lands previously.

This, of course, did not end Aboriginal plight overnight. There were still issues of validity surrounding whether the Aboriginals really did own the land previously and this is the issue further embedded in the Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) 1976. In the present day, existing property rights are based upon the written European law as opposed to oral traditions; can traditional land relationships to be a valid cause for ownership? There is no shortage of petitions from Aboriginal sources demonstrating a strong view that they are more than just legal, rightful owners of the land. As discussed, Aboriginal people believe they have more than simply a physical connection to the land but also a spiritual one. They believe that 'their relationship to it is part of divine history , and [he] loses sense when considered apart from his spiritual beliefs' (Woodward, 1974 p.38). This meant that the opportunity to gain their land back was a way of preserving this spiritual link with the land, giving back their sense of identity. These petitions demonstrate a view that they were invaded as the land was used without their permission. For example, the Gurindji (QUOTE) petition stated that the Aboriginal people have lived in these lands further back than memory serves and their cultures and sacred places have evolved in the lands. (Maddock, 1983 p.35) The important message here is that not only should the Aborigines legally own the land but it is also a moral right that it is theirs. The same can be said for the Yirrkala tribe who petitioned that the land taken from them was taken with disrespect as they had hunted for food there for thousands of years (Maddock, 1983, p.37).

Even though Aboriginal Australians have been dispossessed from their lands for over two hundred years, they would still have no difficulty in knowing where the lands of their ancestors were which gives more depth to the argument that land rights should be based upon tradition (Bell 1993, p.115). As aforementioned, the meaning of property, as aforementioned, to the Aboriginal people is much different to them and has legally been extremely difficult to put into terms in English law as their view of country is one of identification rather than ownership. A land claim hearing then, is based upon 'history, dreaming sites and actions, continued use of and care and concern for the country... Evidence is oral' (Rose, 1991 p. 249). It would give an opportunity for the Aborigines to explain who they are, and why they believe they are right to claim the land back. This is referred to as traditional evidence and allows Land Commissioners to gain further knowledge from the Aboriginal communities; it also allows multiple systems of knowledge to be engaged without eradicating each other (Broome, 1996, p.52). To elaborate, the land rights Acts (Central Land Council, 2012) that have been lawfully submitted in Australia, are fairly open in the sense that they do specify any anthropological models that Aboriginal people must conform to in order to demonstrate their Aboriginality to the Land Commissioner and courts. This is a valid argument but Broome fails to note the irony in that the Aboriginal community must present themselves in a Westernised court of law. There is then, a paradoxically produced system. The post-Mabo era of land claims could become a 'cannon of authenticity for proof of land' (Broome, 1996, p.53) yet this expectation to prove authentic Aboriginality could in other cases reduce Aboriginal communities even further should legal recognition of native title become rejected. It can be argued that the Acts have become paradoxical in that rather than giving freedom to Aboriginals, they actually give Westernised cultures in Australia the opportunity to silence the claims forever through a knowledge system produced by their own practices.

Now that it has clearly been established that there is an opportunity for Aboriginal land rights to be discussed, we must look forward from the theoretical context. The following chapters discuss in a variety of ways how identity issues in relation to land rights have moved on in contemporary Australia, through a political, socioeconomic and cultural lens. There are clear themes of reconciliation and thorough discussions concerning the different types of knowledge systems presented in Australia today.

Methodology

As part of my degree, I had the amazing opportunity to study abroad for a year and I was lucky enough to study at Sydney University in Australia. Upon arrival I was blissfully unaware of the scale of the Aboriginal issues that permeate the everyday lives of the people around me in Sydney. I didn't think much more of it until quite early on in my year abroad three Aboriginals attempted to mug me in the street one night. When I spoke to my Australian friends about it nearly everybody replied 'Yeah, they're a problem'. Nobody however seemed willing to talk about the matter anymore, choosing rather to give a strangely vague answer and move on. Naturally I was shocked by the responses I received, provoking me to look further into the issue. I soon discovered that Aboriginal issues were deeply rooted in Australian history and most of it was bitter. I realised there were a wide range of contentious topics from education to heath and from the standard of living to outright racism. What struck me most however was the displacement most of the Aboriginals had faced over the past 200 years. With the Mabo case (Attwood, 1996, p.45) having just passed its 20th year since inception, I felt a strong desire to continue with this line of research to see what the impacts have been on both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. Surpassing this however, it became clear that the main issue for Aboriginal people was that the strong relationship they felt with the land had been taken from them when there was no permission granted for such dispossession of land, leaving them with a sense of identity loss. With this in mind I continued my research with a strong idea of the issues surrounding land rights and identity for Aboriginal people in Australia.

1. Aims

There is a vital need to understand the relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people and the relationships each of these groups has with the land when concerning identity. While there is a focus on the relationships with non-Aboriginals, the research must gain a complete understanding of what it is to be an Aboriginal in contemporary Australia. The following research questions have therefore been devised :

1. What are the dominant impacts of land rights on both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people?

2. What are the differences and similarities in the views of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal knowledge systems concerning land rights and identity?

3. What are the future factors of change for Aboriginal people?

2. Methods

The following methods have been chosen as the most effective way of documenting this construction of Aboriginality:

Interviews

Surveys

Secondary data

Photographs

3. Interviews

After much consideration, it was decided that the best form of interview would be a semi-structured interview. This way it would allow me to ask questions in the style of an structured interview but also vary the questions should the interviewee seem to wish to talk more about one area than another (Silverman 2007, p.43). While there is this flexibility, the structure also allows me to bring the interview back to any particular matter I find more important should the interview go off topic slightly. While the questions are more general in their frame of reference from that typically found in a structured interview schedule (Bryman, 2008 p.196). When choosing whom to interview, it was clear that I must be very careful in the way that I approached the interviewee. This came to my attention when I was aggressively turned away from an Aboriginal land rights office by one of the members inside. In hindsight, it was naive of me to think that Aboriginal people would be so open to an interview by a white (and British) student after they are under such pressure in society already. After this incident I approached the matter much more carefully, instead choosing to find contacts through members of staff at the University of Sydney.

The following research from my interviews is based upon interviews with:

Warwick Hawkins- A lecturer at Sydney University who teaches about Indigenous sport, education and culture. An Aboriginal himself, Warwick was a good choice from whom to get an academics viewpoint while also having vast knowledge on Aboriginal life.

Darryl French- Head Community Development teacher at the Tranby Aboriginal College- An Aboriginal who's dream it is to get more Aboriginal students into Universities

Mowan Garri- A groundsman at Komay Botany Bay National Park in Cronulla

It is interesting to note that Mowan Garri, despite meeting prior to the interview, was still unwilling to take the interview face to face. This created some positives and negatives. Firstly, it meant that the interview had to be taken over the phone which initially worried me as I would not be able to engage in non-lexical observation during the interview. Shuy (2002) suggests that this may make the telephone interview inferior as interviewees do not fare as well when asked about sensitive issues. However, the interviewee chose the setting so I feel it was the correct decision as they felt most comfortable talking over the phone. I asked if I could record the conversation and permission was granted. There are of course many more advantages and disadvantages to telephone interviews; for example Frey (2004) believes that a telephone interview is not likely to be any longer than 25 minutes which may not be long enough to gather enough data yet a positive is that by not being in the same room, the respondents feel less inclined to respond to the interviewer's non-lexical gestures and facial expressions, making them feel more at ease. It was having this in mind that made me believe that in order to make all the interviews fair, I would then have to do all the interviews over the telephone despite most other interviewees suggesting they were willing to have an interview face to face. I believe rapport was upheld well with all respondents and each were given a full briefing of the research proposal before hand so they were comfortable in the knowledge that their answers were not going to be taken out of context and used in a negative light. This, as Bechhofer and Paterson (2000, p.70) state, is extremely important in the interview process to minimise any manipulation. It was made clear from the outset that the research aim is to try to find a positive perspective on Aboriginal land rights and identity issues.

It is necessary to address the reason for the respondents being the perfect candidates for this research. By choosing a lecturer from an Aboriginal background who has been through the tough Aboriginal education process, answers can be answered effectively on both a personal anecdotal manner and an academic framework. Warwick demonstrates a great influences on contemporary ideas, giving the answers depth and meaning in relation to future work. Darryl French is the head community development teacher at Tranby College in Sydney that takes up to 28 Aboriginal students a year, all of whom come from a struggling background as a consequence of the belligerent conditions they have been put under by the colonising British. This therefore has given me the opportunity to directly address research question 3 about what he believes the future concerns are for his students and local Aboriginal people. Mowan Garri was also an ideal candidate to interview as the Komay Botany Bay National Park employs all Aboriginal workers which provides interesting thought for discussion and, despite not owning the land, demonstrated a clear connection to the park and its protection.

4. Surveys

Surveys were further used to back up the initial interviews taken out. The survey was taken out in three parts, the first of which was given to a University class studying Indigenous Sport, Education and Culture. Survey one was taken in week one before any teaching had commenced and survey two was taken towards the end of the semester when the class was near the end of the teaching period. This was done in order to gain an understanding of the students knowledge of Aboriginal land right issues and identity problems both before and after the classes were taken. It will also give insight into whether this provides a positive or a negative impact on the views of those learning about the issues. As Blaikie (2000, p.29) states, a 'critical stage in any research is the process of selecting the people, events or items from which about the data will be collected'. This is precisely why a great deal of thought was given to who should be the respondents of the surveys to give the best results. The other chosen group for the third survey were the students of Tranby Aboriginal College. This, much like the interviews, was excellent for providing a compare and contrast view of knowledge systems between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. The surveys themselves, varied slightly with each setting but the core research questions were all asked in one form or another. Some questions were deemed inappropriate to ask both groups as they would provoke biased answers. Bias is always at the centre of surveys (Collier et al. 2004, p.101) and many precautionary measures were taken when phrasing certain questions correctly to ensure nobody was offended. The majority of the questions were open ended as the nature of the research asks for opinions and thoughts; simple yes or no questions were seen as unsuitable and they would not provide an in-depth account of the knowledge systems that were required. Despite the questions being open ended, the surveys were kept relatively short to avoid respondent fatigue. Without an interviewer present also, it allows the respondent to write more freely than if they were the subject of an interview. Furthermore, it reduces the researchers imposing ability on the participant (Stoecker 2005, p.39). Naturally, there are downsides to using a survey, for example the respondent can read the survey as a whole meaning that the answers are not truly answered independently of each other and they may find it difficult to answer a lot of questions. Of course there is also the risk of a low response rate. However, taking this into consideration a survey was seen as the most effective method as time restrictions did not allow for individual interviews and many of the Tranby College students were either unwilling to or could not attend a focus group session.

5. Secondary data

To support the ideas expressed further, an extensive range of reliable secondary data will be drawn upon in order to express and reiterate the ideas and views shown by the interviewees and respondents to the surveys. Dale et al. (1988) argue that this form of data analysis is paramount to a research project as it provides high-quality data and allows opportunity to give views real depth and understanding in the context of Aboriginal issues in the wider community. By using this in tandem with primary research, I believe it gives the project as a whole a great anchor for any concluding arguments that are put forth. Government statistics are paramount to the research as clearly time and money constraints would not allow for my own research into Aboriginal demographics. It further gives opportunity to analyse unbiased data whereas all other primary research is subject to unavoidable bias, no matter how small. While the data may not address my research questions directly there will undoubtedly be statistics that are useful for the research.

6. Photographs

Pictures can demonstrate many different emotions and encompass a vast amount of what an identity involves, therefore a range of photographs were taken and one in particular powerful photograph has been included to help exhibit the need for Aboriginal title and identity to be recognised in the wider community. The messages behind this particular photograph will be discussed in the Analysis chapter.

Analysis of Research

1.Providing Background Knowledge

Thus far, it has been necessary to provide an analytical background to the histories of Aboriginal land rights and cultural identities. Therefore in order to contextualise the analysis, there must initially be a base knowledge of the Aboriginal population to gain a true understanding of the qualitative size of their race in relation to the rest of the Australian population; it has been noted previously that the indigenous population of Australia is very small in comparison to the non-indigenous population. At the time of the 1996 census, the total number of indigenous people made up only 0.3% of the Australian population. This figure has increased to 2.5% in 2006 as shown in figure 1, suggesting that the indigenous population is growing at a higher rate than the rest of the country. There is no doubt then that the indigenous population are a significantly outnumbered racial group. While this should not affect the core roots of the issue, it does however make it more difficult for their voice to be heard against the majority of the country.

Figure 2 below demonstrates that the population of Aboriginal people have a much lower average age than that of the non-Aboriginal people. Here it can be seen that the median age for non-Aboriginals is 37 while the same statistic is just 21 years old for Aboriginal people. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2011) figures suggest that this is due to the more frequent deaths occurring among the Aboriginal population at a younger age and a higher fertility rate suggested through comparisons between the 1996 and 2002 census and figure 1 shown above. While these are basic statistics surrounding population distribution, further analysis suggests that the state of such data has a number of impacts on the population in terms of affecting land right issues and inherently, identity. Take for example, the perception that almost 40% of the Aboriginal population in 2006 were aged just 15 or under, the comparative figure for non-Aboriginal people was under 14%, almost three times less. This suggests a low percentage of the Aboriginal population is in the labour force. This does not imply any direct issues concerning land rights, but it can be argued that the lower the percentage of the population in the labour force, the fewer Aboriginal people have the opportunity to influence a political change in their communities.

The severity of Aboriginal difficulties with European setters has been exemplified throughout the text, clearly demonstrating that there is no lack of people within the various communities who wish to make a positive change and gain a chance of true reconciliation. Yet, it must be noted that while there is no lack of historical record of Aboriginal communities wanting to gain back what they claim as their ancestral land, there is a strong amount of evidence against the Aboriginal peoples of Australia that shows the ability to make such claims in terms of Westernised politics is slim. In socioeconomic terms, this is demonstrated through qualifications. This means that Aboriginal people can gain the knowledge and resources it takes to be able to put forth a land right claim in the courts of law throughout Australia. Take for example the number of Aboriginal people that completed Year 12 in school in 2008- a mere 22% (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). While this figure is up from the 2002 statistics, it still depicts that less than a quarter of the Aboriginal people aged 15 and over complete their final year at high school.

This in effect denotes that the already low percentage of people aged over 15 are not finishing school, reducing the chances of gaining the correct knowledge required to put forth a land rights claim. Unemployment rates reiterate this, presenting that almost 20% of Aboriginal people inside the working age were not in employment in 2008, close to 4 times higher than for non-Aboriginal people. These facts by themselves are not concrete evidence of Aboriginal inability to make land right claims, but as has been argued throughout, this paper's core concern is not with how land right claims are made and fought, but how the undeniably important culture and identity of the Aboriginal people are affected through the process. Such data from trusted sources is invaluable to understanding the demographics of Aboriginal people in relation to the rest of the population; as this paper is concerned with the different knowledge systems that are practiced by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people, this data proves extremely useful in demonstrating such identity issues. While there is an innate need to emphasise Aboriginal issues in a range of situations, the paper is in no way attempting to generalise the entire population of Aborigines within Australia (the country is too vast and communities vary in many aspects of life). It must also be noted that not one particular area has been chosen for a various number of reasons not least of which is that to choose a particular community of Aboriginal people and study their identity issues effectively in such a context would require months of participant observation; such data collection was not possible in the timescale used for this research project. Figure 3 below depicts the indigenous regions of Australia and circled is Sydney, the area in which the research was conducted. In order to maintain an effective review, examples of specific areas are given where possible which allows the data to be compiled from the issues that the selected interviewees and respondents found important, allowing for a fuller argument in terms of significant information and identity issues that are related to the individual people.

2. Knowledge System Differences in Relation to Identity

One of the core interests of the paper is undoubtedly the identity of Aboriginal people in Australia. The literature review has provided an indepth definition of how an Aboriginal person is defined through their values. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2011) provides a much simpler definition stating, an Aboriginal person is a person who identifies themselves as or is identified as an Aboriginal person. What is imperative to the understanding of Aboriginal customs then, is the distinction between their values and the values of non-Aboriginal people. The Department of Indigenous Affairs from the Government of Western Australia (2010) discusses:

"Aboriginal culture does not need to conform to a certain standard or be a recognised and/or acceptable 'traditional' form to be valid. Since Federation the Aboriginal culture has had to adjust in order to survive. These changes have brought about elements of differing values, practices and beliefs into the contemporary Aboriginal life without commprimising its Aboriginality."

It is interesting to highlight here that the value system of Aboriginals is having to justify itself against the value systems of Western society by stating that it 'does not need to conform'. This is a point that was highlighted by the interview with Warwick Hawkins who stated, on Aborigininality:

'What people didn't seem to understand and still don't understand sometimes is that Aboriginals have a much much more different way of life to white people. They never had a written system of justice, and everything that was taught was purely through word of mouth rather than how you would learn in a school with text books'.

This exemplifies the question regarding how different the value systems of Aboriginal people are. What are these differences then? There are of course, a number of factors of Aborginal culture that differ widely from Western culture in terms of the relationship they have with the landscape. The department of Indigenous Affairs (2010) categorise three main subjects in ways that the two opposing cultures differ: they are education, death and Individualism. Take for example individualism, it is recognised throughout Western society that there is a great empahsis on individual development throughout childhood right up until adult life. This however is entirely different in Aboriginal culture whereby group security and responsiblity is ecouraged greatly. This relates to Aboriginal values of land in a sense that in the pre colonial era, emphasis was put on group based interaction due to the nature of the way they lived; security was key in Aboriginal lifestyles so group development was naturally important. This exemplifies the link that they have with the land on a physical level. As Mowan Garri, a groundskeeper at the Kamay Botany Bay National Park described:

'We look after the park here and it looks after us in return. Everyone who works on this park is Aboriginal and that's how it should stay because we know how to look after it best. White folks don't know what's good for the land.'

Mowan here is reiterating the points previously shown through Aboriginal cultural ideas; that the land is kept best through the group efforts of those who know it best. The interviewee truely believes this is the best decision that can be made for both the land and future of the people that look after it. Clearly, there is a belief that throughout the efforts of the Aboriginal people as a group, they could infact gain the land back for themselves from the white people if they are the ones who look after the land for the extended period of time. To quote Mowan: 'We will get the land back one day trust me. It was always ours. I got no idea how long it's gonna take but it will happen'. There was a level of uncertainty of knowledge in relation to how such actions were going to occur; this shows a clear passion for the reclaiming of the land for the Aboriginal community yet also relates to the aforementioned point that there are certian aspects of the Australian Aboriginal values that do not co-operate with Western values of law and education. The subject is clearly very sensitive so more in-depth questioning was not taken any further on this matter. The Kamay Botany Bay National Park is a particularly significant location as the harbour is where Captain Cook landed in 1788 to claim the land for the British Crown and declare it New South Wales. Mowan stated:

'And we're still here, despite everythin'. There's more of us now than there was 30 years ago and we're only gettin' stonger.'

The lexical use of the inclusive 'we' and 'stronger' are significant in understanding the emphasis Aboriginal people put on group security. This undoubtedly is even more important to them in contemporary Australia with issues such as identity loss and land right claims being at the forefront of the factors affecting their cultural values. It can be argued that there has been a positive light on such issues due to group involvement efforts from Aboriginals. However, despite this positive feedback there is opposing evidence to suggest little impact has been made in other areas. Knowledge systems in terms of Western culture suggest an overwhelming number of non-Aboriginal people are ignorant to Aboriginal cultures and beliefts, suggesting why indigenous populations find it particularly difficult to make an impact on Western society. Warwick Hawkins, lecturer in Aboriginal culture described in his interview how incredibly little of Aboriginal culture University students knew:

'I get students from all over the country taking this class every year and I've got to admit, it amazes me how little some of them know about Aboriginals. Um, I've got a couple of students this semester who have lived in Sydney their whole lives and all they could say to begin with is 'yeah we dunno why they're here'. Don't get me wrong, it's a good thing that they're taking this class but it's scary that people who have lived here for twenty years or so still don't know what the, erm, the basic issues about Aboriginals are.'

There is a clear message in this language then that educationally, non-Aboriginal people are in general not familiar with Aboriginal traditions and cultue. This poses an issue in terms of knowledge transfering from one culture to another in an attempt to reconcile the damage done to the Aboriginal people by the settlers over the past 200 hundred years. The lack of knowledge shows the failure of Western culture to realise the attachment Aboriginal people have to the land and in doing so makes the efforts that are being made much more difficullt to create an impact, as shown in the statistics previously mentioned.

The main trend and argument that came about from the survey off the Aboriginal College students was the way in which they define themselves. In particular, language was the second key word, after colour, that came in response to the question 'What characteristics would you use to define yourself as an Aboriginal person?'. Of 25 respondants, 20 listed language as an important factor of their identity. The ties between language and land are significant in Aboriginal culture. "the land [is] divided up into more-or-less clearly bounded regions" (Walsh and Yallop, 1993, p194) each with its own individual language or dialect which is tied to that land. Hawkins described his own experience as a young teenager moving from Berowa in Northern Sydney, to Maroubra in a more central part of Sydney:

'It was tough because even though I spoke an Aboriginal language, it wasn't the same as the language in the area I moved to so I was still seen as an outcast. The language systems we have aren't the same as English, they're incredibly complex.'

Moving to new land involves the adoption of that lands language and it is the connection between language and land that emphasises the importance of land placed on identity and culture. Another way in which language is shown to be important to identity is the way in which those who "speak little or none of their traditional Aboriginal languages" are often viewed by non-Aboriginal people as "not really Aboriginal" emphasising the importance of language in Aboriginal identity (Eades, 1988, p97). This is contrasting view to that of knowledge systems in Western society that do not have the same kind of complications. While an accent may determine where in the country a certain person is from, it does not have the same attachment to land as an Aboriginal language. This attachment to land through language is partly why Aboriginal people feel such a great need to claim land back for their heritage. However this has clearly not been understood by white people over the generations. A common misconception surrounding Aboriginal language and cultures more generally is that they are "the bearers of primitivism" (Moreton-Robinson, 2004, pp84), a view adopted in order to allow the feeling of superiority of the colonisers. This view would reject the possibility of culture and identity being created and reflected in language as it would have been seen as too basic whereas in fact, with regard to kinship, "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have some of the most highly developed kinship systems in the world" (SSABSA, 1996, pp112). These colonially constructed ideologies have been "upheld from within the ranks of the colonised as the myths become perpetuated throughout the generations" (Whāiti and McCarthy, 1997, pp33-34) and it can be argued that this has encouraged the development of cultural ignorance. This can be seen in evidence of the survey taken by 36 non-Aboriginal Australian students in which 23 of 35 students could not name an Aboriginal language or clan from any part of Australia. In most cases, it was believed that there was just one language, like English, as answers read 'the Aboriginal language' on over half the answers concerning Aboriginal culture.

3. Further Impacts of Land Right Claims on Aboriginality

3.1 Education

Naturally, since Land Rights Acts and the Mabo case were passed, there have been many developments and impacts all over Australia. As has been reiterated from the beginning, while it is important to give examples to back up major themes, this paper is not concerened with listing case upon case of land right claims and showing their success or demise. Instead, what will be shown is the impacts the new laws have had on different people within the country and the identity changes that have occurred since. Take for example Tranby Aboriginal College in the Sydney suburb of Glebe. Since its inception in 1958, Tranby has succeeded in playing a solid 'role in the struggle for achievement of social Justice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders' (Tranby Aboriginal College 2010). The College has gone from strength to strength since it was opened and since the 1980's, with strong demand from Aboriginal communities, has offered tertiary level TAFE courses and foundation education in numeracy and literacy. This is a unique opportunity for adult Aborigines that may not have acquired the necessary basic skills in school to progress and attain the results and qualifications needed for higher education. While this may seem to be a normal college, it is in fact unique itself in the sense that it offers courses that are now recognised by Australian Universities, whereas before the Land Rights Act in 1972, the focus was upon trade skills. When questioned about this, Darryl French, the head Community Development teacher, replied:

'It had a lot to do with the new laws yeah. For the first time we were given some hope. Maybe we were going to get out lands back after all. But we soon realised that even though we had the opportunity to, it didn't mean we knew how to. That's where the college comes in. We're giving everyone a chance to take back what's theirs one step at a time.'

It becomes clear when looking at the courses available, that they are aimed not only to provide an education worthy of University standards, but also that there is an aim that through the education provided to bring more awareness and heightened ability in the Aboriginal communities. For example the Diploma in Community Development course provides understanding of the functions of indigenous controlled community organisations (Tranby Aboriginal College 2011). Darryl also explained:

'We also have a course named The Diploma of National Indigenous Legal Advocacy. This is one of the most specific courses as we teach the laws and legal needs of the (Aboriginal) communities around us. It's so important to us that we get our own people into that world where they can make a difference. Erm, we also got the Diploma of Business. That one gives our students the knowledge and skills necessary to plan the kinds of strategic planning that we need for the communities around us. They're still in a really unstable state and this course is great for letting our students learn about how to lead their communities. Yeah, that's the key thing, about becoming leaders.'

The fourth course offered is the Advanced Diploma of Applied Aboriginal Studies. This course has a very powerful meaning to it, aiming to 'empower and develop' not just the student, but also the community, with participation from elders also, giving rise to many job opportunities such as educators, consultants, advocates and many other positions. What is important here also is that the College recognises the background of the students' poor education and can teach them in a way that will help them develop more effectively. It is undeniably clear that the work and courses that Tranby Aboriginal College has dedicated to its solely Aboriginal students has greatly been influenced by the Land Rights Act in 1976, the Mabo case of 1992 and other laws. For instance, one of the more fascinating facts about Tranby College was that it was not until the May 1967 referendum that Aboriginals could apply for work without surrendering their Aboriginality; this meant that in the first 9 years of Tranby's education, any student would have had to give up their title as an Aboriginal. This is incredible to conceive, particularly when less than 25 years later, the college was teaching Aboriginal students how to claim back their identities through the law and other factors. Tranby Aboriginal College is evidently one of the outstanding institutes for bringing about justice and reconciliation to Aboriginal communities.

The impact of such positive movements can be seen within cultural statistics also. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2011) recognised that in 2008, there have been positive cultural and socioeconomic outcomes for Aboriginal people of Australia. For example, 19% of people aged 15 and over spoke an Aboriginal language and more Aborginal people are identifying with a clan, language group or tribal group with over 61%, up from only 54% in 2002. This will not only be due to land right impacts meaning certain tribes become more freely encouraged to create their identities further, it is evidently one of the major factors in this statistic. This is set to increase too as 72% of Aboriginals in 2008 recognised a traditional part of land as their own homeland (as shown in figure 5).

3.2 Racism

While there has been a focus on the more positive impacts of land right claims on Aboriginality, there are of course still negative impacts on identity. Consider for example on the role of education once more, the Child Race Policy FIND DATE, a discriminatory policy that took the view that Aboriginal children did not have the same intelligence as white children and deliberately cut the numbers of aboriginal children in each class so as not to 'bring down the level' of intelligence. When asked how he felt about this, Darryl replied:

'Yeah I know about it. It was racist there's no denying it but it's not my position to say anything about that. It's upsetting but I don't have time to get angry, I have time to make a change.'

This is a powerful statement. There is a great understanding from Darryl and the College that the aim of the service they provide is to gain reconciliation for the communities. Racism appeared in all the research methods in one form or another. Mowan Garri in his interview noted:

'These whitefellas got no respect for what we're trying to do. Ever since they came here they've been destroying it [the land] all. Now least we got some back. That ain't gonna change, not while I still work here anyways. There's fight is us yet.'

The term 'whitefella' is used by many Aboriginal people. While it is commonly used, there are different connotations to the word. In most cases it is simply used to describe white people but in Mowans response here, it is arguably a racial attack of white people. The same can be said of white people regarding Aboriginal people. It is generally considered racist when using the term 'Abo', but in the University survey responses (all respondents were from a white background) 10 people used the term and 5 of them on more than one occasion. In response to the question 'what contact, if any, have you had with Aboriginal people?' one student replied 'None really. I just see Abo's getting drunk in the streets and making a mess. I have only ever spoken to a drunk Abo before.' This has great negative connotations on the knowledge non-Aboriginal people posses regarding Aboriginals; it can cause tension between the two groups. How does this affect identity in relation to the landscape? In response to the question, 'Why did you choose to study at Tranby Aboriginal College?' one student (who wishes to remain anonymous) replied,

'I want to make a difference for my family. Also it's safe because we are all Aboriginal. At my old High School I was bullied by white people so I left'.

This clearly demonstrates then how racism towards Aboriginal people can have a knock on effect on identity. It has been seen that Aboriginal people in certain cases choose to leave education due to racist behaviour from white people, which impacts on an persons entire life; with little or no education, Aboriginal people may fail to gain the knowledge that is required to help gain reconciliation for their race through the justice system.

4. Future Factors of Change

From as early as birth indigenous people are considered to be at a disadvantage; one of the more shocking statistics based upon death rates states that in 2005-2007, life expectancy for indigenous males was 11.5 years less than that of non-indigenous males and the gap is 9.7 years for females (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). The same is true of Australia's education system; Of 82,000 Indigenous children aged 0-4 in 2009, a mere 6533 attended school (Russell and Wenham 2010). Furthermore, the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous children meeting the standards for numeracy and literacy is also significant, with up to a 30% gap between the groups by the age of 9. There are similar patterns for retention rates in school and employment, demonstrating how deep and constant the disadvantages are throughout a typical Aboriginal's life. These statistics are imperative to understanding Aboriginal disadvantage. Not only do the figures exemplify the aforementioned points on disadvantages minimising an Aboriginal persons chances of making a change but it also cements the status of the Aboriginal people as the non-dominant race. Warwick showed insight into what he thought the future held for Aboriginal identities and land rights:

'It's going to be a very long and slow process. Yes there have been new laws and there's been more money pumped in to helping them [Aboriginal people] but really not much has changed. Most of them are still living in poverty and wouldn't know the first thing about trying to reclaim their homelands.'

Furthermore, Kate Munro, Academic Director at Tranby Aboriginal College speaks of 'the (unsure) future independence and viability of community-controlled Indigenous education due to the introduction of the indigenous Education Bill. The Bill seeks to reduce funding to the Independent providers of Indigenous education by approximately $4 million.' (Munro 2005). This will directly affect Tranby College and its funding. As has been discussed, the College is a significant institute for the future of Aboriginal land claims and community. When asked about this problem, Darryl answered:

'It's extremely stressful for all of us. It's stressful for us because we've worked so hard to try and give the [Aboriginal] communities some hope that they can have a future without restrictions [from European law] and it's stressful for the students because they have made the effort to come and study here and we have to turn around and say 'sorry, you can't actually study here anymore because we don't have any more money to fund you. It's so difficult.'

These points demonstrate the sheer importance of the role of education in Aboriginal identity. Despite these negative outcomes however, statistics show an improvement in education standards for Aboriginal children. In 2008 , almost 70% of Aboriginal children aged 5-14 years were taught about Aboriginal culture at school, over 10% more than in 2002. This means Aboriginal children are learning about their culture more effectively from an early age, generating more interest in their own identities and what the land means to them. This is further demonstrated through statistics in the indicators of cultural attachment. Figure 5 below shows that in 2008, 68% of Aboriginal people reported attendance at their community cultural events as being an important part of their identity (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). In addition, 30% stated that they would attend more cultural events if they had the chance. This shows a great positive in the recognition of identity for Aboriginal people and directly links into Aboriginal people recognising their cultural lands.

The final remark referrs to the fourth method explained in the methodology: photography. This photo was taken in the suburb of Redfern in Sydney. This photo perfectly sums up many of the arguments made throughout the paper. Here, the Aboriginal flag can be seen painted on a building in the urban centre. This demonstrates the need for Aboriginal people and their identities to be recognised by white people. The flag is a bold statement depicting resilience and determination and shouts a clear message to Australia that they will fight for reconciliation.

Conclusion

This paper has provided a rigorous depth of research into understanding Aboriginal identities. There has been a level of discussion on various levels; the differences between the knowledge systems of Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people has been examined and applied to contemporary Australia. Furthermore, one of the core issues the paper is concerned about is the effects of the laws such as the Land Rights Act of 1976 and the Mabo case of 1992 on the Aboriginal people and the link this has to their identities. A decision was made to relate the relevant academic literature to various sets of people around Sydney to demonstrate these different effects and views on the contrasting knowledge systems between Aboriginal people and the Westernised cultures.

One of the uncontested arguments demonstrated in the paper has shown how since the British landed on the East coast of Australia, Aboriginal identities have changed dramatically and until recently, these impacts had been shockingly negative towards the indigenous cultures. Gumbert's (1984) depiction of English colonisation demonstrates that Aboriginal people lost a great majority of their lands to the British crown, they were institutionalised and forced to submit their Aboriginality. In cases as late at the 1970's, children were still being forcibly removed from their parents in an order to integrate Aboriginal children who had paler skin into Western culture in an attempt to slowly make the Aboriginal population decline.

What has been established strongly is that to be an Aboriginal in Australia is distinctly different to what it means to be a non-Aboriginal; through research into the identities of the Aboriginal communities it has been exemplified that at their very core, Aboriginal people have very different values to non-Aboriginal settlers in Australia. Possibly the greatest factor which shows this is the great attachment Aboriginal people feel they have to the land. While non-Aboriginals seek to use land as a commodity, Aboriginal people speak of a connection with the land that is both physical and spiritual. Much of the research carried out demonstrates this cultural attachment Aboriginal people have to their homelands. This is further proven by statistics provided by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, suggesting that despite over two hundred years of assimilation, dispossession and disregard for the Aboriginal community, 72% in 2008 still recognised a part of the land as their homeland and could identify with a clan (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011). There is then, an undeniable attachment to the land and a true belief that the Aboriginal can be successful in their struggle for reconciliation.

This argument can be seen throughout history and is evidently continued in contemporary Australia. Interviews with Mowan Garri and Warwick Hawkins showed that the cultural attachment to land that the Aboriginal people have is still an extremely important issue. The problem of reclaiming land is far from over and the views on such matters still vary greatly. While an interview with Warwick Hawkins suggested a negative attitude towards the success of land claims, believing much of the land will never be claimed back due to the power that European law still holds over Aboriginals, other interviewees such as Mowan Garri saw a positive light in which belief was in Aboriginal spiritual connections and moral rights to the land.

Analysis of secondary data and primary research has demonstrated a number of further key conclusions that were not included in the initial research aims. Firstly, it is apparent that research on identity in relation to land rights claims cannot be studied alone; while there are obviously strong arguments for the land rights claims upon Aboriginal identity, it has become apparent that this as a standalone theme cannot hope to have grounds to make a difference in Aboriginal culture. That is to say, it is extremely clear that Aboriginal identities are not concerned with land alone (despite the relationship to land being a great factor). Other forms of identity creation such as family importance, racism and of course, the difference to the Western cultures are also contributing factors to the values of Aboriginal people in contemporary Australia. One particular argument that surfaced from the research noted the importance of language as a factor of identity creation and its ability to root the Aboriginal people to their homelands, creating a sense of belonging for the Aboriginal people.