Role Of Non State Actors In Governance Politics Essay

Published Date: 23 Mar 2015

In the process of state transformation, such as the appearance of new political spaces beyond the territorial nation-state, 'relocation of politics' from the state to international and sub-national organizations, diffusion of political power from public authorities to semi-public and private actors, and de-legitimization of the state (crisis of the welfare state, state failures, lack of performance), the old 'paradigm' of top-down, state-led, command & control ways of steering the states has been replaced by the new forms of governance and policy instruments: network-like arrangements of public and private actors, self-regulation by business organizations, public-private and civic-private partnerships, etc have emerged. [1] Many scholars refer to this as a 'shift from government to governance' which is generally referred to as 'global governance' in the field of international relations. [2] This new concept of global governance invariably includes the relevance of non-state actors (NSAs) for governing global issues.

2. With the proliferation of non-state actors in International Politics,..the traditional Westphalian nation-state is experiencing an erosion of power and sovereignty. [3] This eventually undermines the state's monopoly of the use of force as well as the monopoly on raising taxes and revenues which seriously restrict the effective performance of basic functions of the sovereign nation state. [4] This would not only lead to additional humanitarian disasters, but create tangible security problems and governance failures at the local, regional and at the global level.

3. Non-State Actors have emerged in international relations as important actors. They are limiting the authorities being enjoyed by sovereign nation-state under state-centric international relations based on principles of Westaphalian system. [5] By weakening states, NSAs are establishing themselves at domestic as well as international level.

4. At present world order, international security seems to be influenced by NSAs at unprecedented level. The diverse range of non-state actors plays a unique role in the changing dominion of international security in different manner, either positively or negatively. Certainly the various types of non-state actors like Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs), Non Governmental Organizations (NGO), Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and private security firms, and Violent Non-State Actors (VNSAs) may exert their energy in different manner in order to influence the international relations of 21st century there by affecting the international security as a whole. In order to understand the degree, nature, and gravity of influence, the major NSAs have been exerting on international security, their role in international relations need to be explored.

METHODOLOGY

Statement of the problem

5. To understand and explore the degree, nature, and gravity of influence, the major non-state actors have been exerting on international security.

Hypothesis

6. The NSAs are the important players of international relations and they influence international security to a greater extent. The degree and nature of influence exerted by various non-state actors is not same. It is basically depend on the intention and capability of the individual non-state actor.

Justification of The Study

7. In post cold war era, international security seems to be influenced by NSAs at an unprecedented level. The role that the NSAs play in the international security arena has come to the notice of many only after the attacks of September 11. The non-state actors have come in various shapes and sizes ranging from Intergovernmental organization, non governmental organization, Transnational companies, terrorist and various criminal organizations etc. This diverse collection of NSAs, with different intentions and capabilities, each plays different and unique role in the international relations. This study will try to explore the role of NSAs in international relations in order to understand the degree, nature, and gravity of influence that the major NSAs have been exerting on international security.

Scope

8. Every study and research will not be free from some weakness and drawbacks. The study is limited to certain boundaries for which future new researcher will try to find out the fact in more detail. The scope of the study is limited to the exploration of the influence of major NSAs on international security. NSAs, most active as well as with the strategic influence on international relations have been selected for the study. In this study, 'international security' has been discussed from the 'traditional security' point of view. The 'traditional security' concept refers to the realist construct of security in which the referent object of security is the state.

Research Methodology

9. Due to the nature of the subject matter the research is based on the documentary sources. Published materials in the form of books, journal article, dissertations, and reports mainly collected from electronic sources, mostly internet, have been used as secondary sources for this research.

Organization of the Dissertation

10. It is proposed to study the subject in the following manner:

(a) Chapter I: Introduction. The subject would be introduced broadly. Similarly the necessity to carry out the research and the objective to be achieved from the study would be highlighted. This chapter also includes the limitation of the study, methods followed and the preview of the study.

(b) Chapter II:Non State Actors and International Security. The detailed Concept of non-state actors and its role at present day world order will be highlighted. Brief background of non-state actors, its relevance at present day context and the diverse assortment of non-state entities will also be briefly brought out. Finally the most influential non-state actors in international relations in framing the international security will be identified for further discussion.

(c) Chapter III: Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) as Non State Actors. This part would bring out various important intergovernmental organizations presently active in the world politics. Arguments would be made to qualify these intergovernmental organizations as non-state actors and at the end their contribution in international security will be brought out in detail.

(d) Chapter IV: Violent Non State Actors (VNSAs) and International Security. This part will highlight the role and significance of the violent non-state actors in international security. In doing so firstly the violent non-state actors are clearly defined and out of many violent non-state actors only relevant and most influential violent non-state actors would be selected for further discussion.

(e) Chapter V: International Nongovernmental Organizations (INGOs) and Multinational Corporation (MNCs) as International Players. In this portion the argument would be made to analyze importance of the International Nongovernmental Organizations and Multinational Corporations in driving the international relations of 21st century. Finally some conclusions will be drawn regarding the role being played by International Nongovernmental Organizations and Multinational Corporations in shaping the international security.

(e) Chapter VI: Conclusion. Based on the arguments made in the various chapters a logical conclusion would be drawn in identifying the degree, nature, and gravity of influence, the major non-state actors have been exerting on international security.

CHAPTER II

NON-STATE ACTORS AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY

11. According to Wikipedia, online encyclopedia, 'Non-State Actors, in international relations, are actors on the international level which are not states.' [6] In Bas Arts' definition, they are all those actors that are not (representatives of) states, yet that operate at the international level and that are potentially relevant to international relations. [7] Citing Josselin & Wallace (2001), Joanna Szalacha's defines NSA as an organization largely autonomous from central government funding and control, it acts between the modern states within the networks, which extends across many borders. [8] 

12. First two of above mentioned definitions are simple and believe that only an actor, essentially not a state, active as well as influential at international level, could be a NSA. Szalacha seems to be accepting that a transnational actor focused to a state could also be a NSA. Saying 'largely autonomous from central government', she does not negate the possibility of some link between NSA and state. Abram Paley is concerned about the strategic role or effect of an actor to qualify itself as a NSA. After discussing several definitions, he summarizes an 'inclusive definition' of strategic NSA with 'two vital components':

(a) any actor that participates on the international stage or affects international interaction, but is not part of the domestic state structure, and (b) an actor-not an issue-that has the common attributes with which all actors in Common game-theoretic models are endowed-i.e. preferences, beliefs, strategies, etc. [9] 

13. From these different definitions of NSAs, following could be concluded:

NSAs are autonomous from states or do not represent the states or governments but may have some link with certain state(s).

NSAs operate at international or minimum transnational level.

NSAs strategically influence international relations.

14. There are different classifications of NSAs; Table 1 shows three of them by Paley [10] , Ataman [11] and Arts [12] . Although, there are great similarities in all these three classifications, all writers mention that their classification is not the complete one. Paley says his classification is out of 'some common example' and NSAs are not limited to them, whereas Ataman's list of five NGOs is the ones which he believes are of 'more effective types'.

15. There are varieties of actors other than state and it is difficult to find one of such actors without some sort of international or transnational connection in present context of globalization. Therefore, one may come up with more types of NSA than that is mentioned here. For example, Wikipedia in its classification of NSAs, apart from these common ones, has also included the international media, and transnational Diaspora communities. [13] 

Abram W Paley

Muhittin Ataman

Bas Arts

International Terrorist Organizations.

International Criminal Organizations.

Nongovernmental Organizations and Grassroots Activists.

International Institutions and Inter-governmental Organizations.

Multi-national Corporations.

Individual Actors.

International Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs).

Transnational or International Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs).

Epistemic Communities.

National Liberation Movements (NLM).

Multinational Corporations (MNC).

Religious and Humanitarian Organizations.

Various terrorist Groups and Drug Traffickers (Norco-Terrorists).

Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs).

International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs).

Corporate Interest Groups (CIG) and Transnational Corporations (TNC).

Epistemic Communities (ECs).

Remainder category (including scouts, professional organizations, terrorist networks, churches, etc.).

Table 1: Different Classifications of NSAs

16. It has grouped NSAs using violence as 'Violent NSA' but not included IGOs. Regarding, VNSA, it is a common practice to address all NSAs which use illegal violence as their means. There is a lack of consensus on the issue of IGOs; one school of thought believes that an organization formed and collectively participated by the states cannot be termed as a NSA. [14] As per the definition and degree as well as gravity of their strategic influence on international relations, one can draw the conclusion that the major NSAs could be classified into four groups, namely IGOs, VNSAs, INGOs, and MNCs.

17. NSAs appeared at international level as a group of social actors since 1980s and by 1990s, those organizations have gained power and increased influence on public institutions and different states' agendas. [15] But NSAs are not completely new phenomena. '…the Hanseatic League monopolized trade on the Baltic Sea between the 13th and 17th centuries, the highly powerful East India Company was founded in 1600, European haute finance was a major contributor to the relative peace of the 19th century, and the Red Cross dates to the 1860s'. [16] According to Ataman, the proliferation of non-state actors has recently led some observers of international relations to conclude that states are declining in importance and that non-state actors are gaining status and influence. [17] Quoting Miller, Ataman further says, the growth of so many kinds of non-state actors challenges and even weakens the 'state-centric' concept of international politics and replaces it with a 'transnational' system in which relationships are more complex. These organizations changed the international environment. [18] As per the 2007 August report, A globalization-fueled diffusion of finance and technology has enabled non-state actors to encroach upon functions traditionally performed by nation-states, facilitating their evolution into forms unheard of even a few years ago. [19] 

18. The NSAs have emerged in international relations as equal as the nation-states. It may compel states to adopt 'more complex transnational system' but in reality, NSAs rise has greater impact in international relations. NSAs have changed the overall traditional concept of international relations, based on the principles of Westphalian system of sovereign states, as Schwartz writes, 'The influence of non-state actors in this globalized world is unquestionably stronger than at any point since the Westphalia system of state sovereignty was established in 1648'. [20] 

19. International security is the most influenced aspect of the changing trend of international relations due to the rise of NSAs. Under the traditional concept of international relations, international security is maintained through two types of organizations: classical collective security organization and defensive security organization. The first type of organization is designed to promote international security through regulating the behavior of its member states, whereas defensive security organization is to protect a group of states from threats emanating from a challenging state or group of states. [21] In present context, the role of traditional collective security organizations has expanded, if not changed; those organizations have been transformed into NSAs as intergovernmental organizations. Similarly, defensive security organizations have lost their appeal in present unipolar world order; but threat of violent NSAs for them has replaced that of formidable rival state or group of states.

20. Non-State Actors have emerged in international relations as important actors. They are limiting the authorities being enjoyed by sovereign nation-state under state-centric international relations based on principles of Westaphalian system. By weakening states, NSAs are establishing themselves at domestic as well as international level and they influence the international security to a greater extent. The degree and nature of influence may vary from one NSA to other; it could be positive or negative as well as at large or small scale. Whatever role the major NSAs are playing in international relations, needs to be studied in order to explore their influence in international security.

CHAPTER III

INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AS NSAs

Defining IGOs

21. The term official web page of Harvard University defines IGOs as an entity created by treaty, involving two or more nations, to work in good faith, on issues of common interest. In the absence of a treaty an IGO does not exist in the legal sense. For example, the G8 is a group of eight nations that have annual economic and political summits. IGOs that are formed by treaties are more advantageous than a mere grouping of nations because they are subject to international law and have the ability to enter into enforceable agreements among themselves or with states. [22] 

22. The main purposes of IGOs were to create a mechanism for the world's inhabitants to work more successfully together in the areas of peace and security, and also to deal with economic and social questions. In this current era of increasing globalization and interdependence of nations, IGOs have come to play a very significant role in international political systems and global governance.

23. The number of IGOs is difficult to determine, but estimates range from 270 to more than 1000. They cover multiple issues and involve governments from every region of the world. Among the oldest IGOs are the United Nations, which replaced the League of Nations, the Universal Postal Union, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Other well-known IGOs are the European Union (EU), the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the African Development Bank (ADB) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). Since the creation of the UN and NATO, IGOs have become essential actors in the international security. IGOs, such as the UN and the EU, have the ability to make rules and exercise power within their member countries, their global impact continues to increase.

24. Ataman cites Miller to define IGOs as '..voluntary associations of sovereign states established to pursue many objectives for which states want to cooperate through sort of formal structure and to which states are unable to realize by themselves'. [23] Sovereign states establish IGOs through a treaty [24] and accept its authority to make decisions regarding particular problems for common benefit. In other words, the states voluntarily give up sovereignty to an IGO in order to achieve common security, cooperation for collective goods, economic rearwards and political influence.

25. In Ataman's view IGOs could be classified by their scope (global and regional) or by their function (political, economic, social and environmental). [25] Wikipedia has classified them as worldwide global organizations, regional organizations, Cultural, linguistic, ethnic, religious, or historical organizations, Economic organizations, organizations for collective security or mutual defense provisions. [26] Among these organizations United Nations (UN) and its specialized agencies as well as some regional organizations such as European Union (EU) and collective security organization such as NATO play significant role in international security. [27] 

Types of IGOs

26. IGOs are typically organized by their membership and by their purpose. For example, the UN is called a global organization because all countries are allowed membership. There are currently 192 member states in the UN. Some IGOs are regional and limit their membership to states within the designated regions. Other IGOs are referred to as selective organizations because they base their membership on criteria other than geography. The Organization of the Islamic Conference, for example, bases its membership on religious affiliation. OPEC, on the other hand, is comprised only of countries that produce oil. Specialized IGOs, such as NATO, limit their activities to a particular field. General IGOs have expertise on a wide variety of topics. The UN is also a general IGO as it is involved in a wide range of issues, including security, poverty reduction, health, telecommunications, international criminal justice, human rights, economic development, and environmental protection. [28] 

Role in International Relations and Effects on International Security

27. Quoting several constructivist views, Susan Park writes. IGOs '..are norm diffusers or transmitters within the international realm; teaching states their interests'. [29] They '..do this through establishing regimes, forming international agendas, constructing discourse, enforcing rules, and mediating between states'. [30] Park believes that these important roles '..show the significance of these organizations as the 'glue' of the international state system, binding states together in various regimes'. [31] She argues that the IGOs '.. act as official gate-keepers, determining which non-state actors and groups within civil society are deemed legitimate, thus de-legitimizing others, thereby shutting the latter out of the global governance structure'. [32] 

28. IGOs are the main tools of global governance in true sense; and they are legitimate NSAs. They are responsible for collective security and defense, and they have been contributing a lot for the maintenance of international security. IGOs, formed out of common interests of the member states, maintain international security or stability by keeping member states united. On the other hand, especially collective defense oriented IGOs maintain balance with rival state or group of states.

29. UN is the key player of international relations in present context. The primary mission of UN is to maintain international peace and security. [33] To fulfill its mission UN has a strong mandate which it exercises through the Security Council. Since its inception, UN has continuously been trying to prevent conflicts, keep and enforce peace, and disarmament as well as proliferation of WMDs.

30. Regional organizations are also taking big steps, especially on the field of Human Security. EU is unifying entire Europe, which now is unlikely to spark other Great War. Unified Europe can maintain a balance with any other power which may emerge in future. However, regional alliances for comprehensive security are replacing the traditional military alliances; NATO is still effective. NATO, the only remaining major defense organization after the disintegration of former Soviet Union and demise of rival Warsaw Pact, is no more concerned for balance of power, but it is still significant for US and its allies for their defense. NATO is instrumental for US led 'War on Terror' in Afghanistan.

Criticism

31. The role played by IGOs at the international level is not out of controversy. There is always a question mark over their effectiveness. Some scholars argue that there problem lies on the fundamental structure and changed role of IGOs, mainly security organizations; according to Gleason & Shaihutdinov,

Throughout the world, the major inter-state security organizations continue to be essentially Westphalian in nature. They assume the primacy of state actors. While collective security organizations have re-focused to their objectives to confront challenges emanating from below the level of the nation-state, they have not yet reorganized their operational programs to achieve these goals. [34] 

32. IGOs like UN have been blamed as tool for powerful countries to impose their principle on the weak countries. '…the UN Security Council cannot accept any decision against the interests of the five permanent members and those of their allies, i.e., the UN Security Council decisions on the Palestinian question against Israel have often been vetoed by the United States'. [35] The stability achieved on the cost of a state's principles could not be long lasting; since it creates discontent and hatred among the people, which could be the seed of a future conflict.

33. Other IGOs, such as WTO and IMF, have been criticized for their role in globalization. Many people believe that globalization further weakens the weaker nation-states whereas strong states take maximum benefit out of it. The increasing gap between powerful states and weak states can gradually lead them to a conflict, jeopardizing international security.

Overview

34. Security always puts its stakeholders under a dilemma; states need to think rationally while joining organizations or alliances. Security cannot be achieved by either individuals or states acting solely on their own behalf. Some collective measures are necessary among the members of the system if each is to achieve security. Just as security cannot be achieved by individual actors, neither can it be created by concentrating all powers and responsibility at the upper levels. When such concentration happens, as we have seen in the case of individuals and the states, the collective institution becomes major source of threat to those smaller actors it was supposed to protect.

35. Schwartz's following view on UN reflects importance of such IGOs amid their own drawbacks,

'While the UN is certainly not the ideal institution for international security - simply because it is the sum of its parts, states - the world would undoubtedly be far more insecure without it. There is no other forum in the world in which every state that wishes can participate. The implication of this should not be underestimated. Communication is essential for averting crises. And there is no other organization in the world with as broad and sweeping a mandate as the UN'. [36] 

36. The criticism of IGOs, exposed drawbacks and their likely consequences are not baseless accusations, but these needs be sorted out through reforms. As the key actors of global governance, IGOs play most significant role on regulating international relations and make huge positive contribution to the maintenance of international security.

CHAPTER IV

VIOLENT NON-STATE ACTORS

AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY

General

37. Citing Troy S. Thomas, Stephen D. Kiser and William D. Casebeer, Klejda Mulaj writes 'Violent non-state actors (VNSAs) are not a new phenomenon in world politics. The operations of some such actors already posed a threat to Western interests before the fateful day of 11 September 2001. Yet, although non-state actors - primarily economic - have received extensive coverage in political science literature, VNSAs have only recently received sustained interest amongst academic and policy circles'. [37] Even a cursory global survey suggests that violent non-state actors have become a pervasive challenge to nation-states. In the 21st century, the state monopoly of the use of force is increasingly being reduced to a convenient fiction. No nation state is free of VNSAs. Relatively few of the sovereign states can truly claim a monopoly of force within their territorial borders. Mulaj further writes ' despite being small groups - and inferior to their adversaries in terms of equipement, traning, and often doctrine - VNSAs are likely to continue, and even increase, their asymmetric operations with a view to achieving political objectives and influence. [38] 

38. Williams says 'One of the most striking features of VNSA s is their sheer variety. This suggests that there is some danger in lumping them together under a single rubric'. [39] Yet, it is clear from the preceding analysis that they do have certain things in common: they all emerge in response to inadequacies, deficiencies or shortcomings in many states and to one degree or another seek to compensate for those shortcomings. At the same time, there are important differences in motivation, purpose, power structures and the like. One of the dangers, however, is that they will increasingly form alliances with one another. There are certainly examples of linkages between organized crime and terrorist networks.

Identifying VNSAs

39. VNSAs are those NSAs which use illegitimate violence as their means, they might be having some links with a state(s), and their objective could be political or economic. In Ulrich Schneckener's view VNSAs armed non-state actors willing and able to use violence for pursuing their objectives, and not integrated into formalized state institutions. [40] Following statement portrays a detail picture of VNSAs:

'VNSA are a distinct form of non-state actor, which distinguishes them from police forces and militaries. It is their use of collective violence that most clearly distinguishes Sendero from Starbucks, but their goals and methods also contribute to their illegitimacy. They are illegitimate vis-à-vis the classical state system in part because the essence of being a state is having a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence. By definition, VNSA resort not only to random or opportunistic aggression, but to collective violence as a tool to achieve goals. Collective violence is really an extension of collective action, which is coordinated action by the members of the group in pursuit of common ends'. [41] 

40. In Mulaj view ' VNSAs are non-state armed groups that resort to organized violence as atool to achieve their goals. [42] However, Mulaj does not see clear cut dividing line between 'state' and 'non-state'. Mulaj further writes … 'VNSAs not only operate in opposition to, or co-operation by, a state of states, but often also exist in a dependent relation to the state/s in terms of support, benefits, and recognition'. [43] VNSAs could be found being treated separately or as a group on the study of NSAs. Table 2 shows two different groupings of VNSAs by Ulrich Schneckener [44] and Phil Wiiliams. [45] However, there is no significant difference between these groupings. This is further justified by Mulaj statement 'This typology, nonetheless, does not have clear-cut boundaries. Indeed VNSAs frequently represent hybrid forms in which the above mentioned categories overlap'. [46] On the basis of degree of activity as well as impact at international level, only terrorist organizations, insurgents, organized criminal groups, and private security agencies or private military companies (PMCs) could be considered as major VNSA for this study.

Ulrich Schneckener

Phil Williams

Rebels or guerrilla fighters

Militias or paramilitaries

Clan chiefs or big men

Warlords

Terrorists

Criminals

Mercenaries and private security companies

Marauders

Warlords

Militias

Paramilitary forces

Insurgencies

Terrorist organizations

Criminal organizations and youth gangs

Table 2: Different Classifications of VNSAs

The functions Violent Non-State Actors fulfill for members and supporting constituencies

41. A basic idea behind is that the VNSAs are becoming an alternative form of governance and trying to fulfill the basic functions which normally the state supposed to perform. Hence, it is imperative to find out what kinds of capacity and functional gaps are filled by violent non-state actors. These includes the basic functions of state such as imposing and maintaining security, law and order, and can extend to paternalistic forms of social welfare. In fact, for VNSAs fulfilling functional gaps is even more important than fulfilling territorial spaces. Hence, this analytical framework is useful in considering a broad range of VNSAs. These include terrorist organizations, organized crime groups both domestic and transnational, warlords, transnational youth gangs, insurgencies and militias.

42. In Mulaj view VNSA - state relations are not uniform. Some VNSAs exist as distinct from and in violent opposition to the state where as some other exists in a dynamic relation with the state. Citing the example of Africa, Mulaj writes 'some VNSAs not only coexist with the state, but are co-opted by state. They are integral to the exercise of state power in so far as they form part of state effort to exercise power at a distance - a strategy which, of course, reflects the state's administrative weakness. …Governments in Sudan, Chad, Libya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Nigeria have shown themselves willing to patronize selective local armed groups which in turn accomplish political and military goals beneficial to the governments - at a low cost'. [47] Mulaj statement is further amplified by the following example:

The central government in Khartoum cannot control distant parts of the country directly through security services or local administrative apparatuses, not only because it lacks the financial means but also because government control is controversial among local people who resent external interference in their local communities. In these circumstances the government uses non-state actors as proxies in order to exercise control over the periphery of the country. It is in this respect that VNSAs in Sudan have become central to the exercise of state power. Indeed, given its administrative weakness, the state projects power through flexible alliances with VNSAs. [48] 

VNSAs in International Relations as Security Threats

43. VNSAs directly challenge and affect individual nation-state or number of states through networking of violent operations. According to Fraiman, they '…pose significant challenges to the administration of states, mainly by threatening their internal monopoly on the use of force. However, at times, these groups can also present considerable external security threats to other states in the international system'. [49] In Mulaj view, '…violence used by VNSAs to oppose the state and win legitimacy for their political cause imposes costs on the state. Indeed, VNSAs seek to impose as large a cost as possible on the state in order to break its resistance threshold. The repercussions of VNSAs violence on the state are not only physical, but also economic, political and psychological. The more protracted the violence, the larger the cost it imposes on the state'. [50] The most of the modern major conflicts are between states and VNSAs. The level of threat posed by VNSAs has become as bigger as other traditional threats, if it has not surpassed them. Terrorism and transnational organized crime are among the six clusters of threats to international security identified by a UN panel. [51] 

44. Williams believe that the reason behind the rise of VNSAs is due to growing weakness of many states lacking of certain qualities that have become widely accepted as critical components of the modern Westphalian state. [52] VNSAs can effectively challenge a state when the state lacks legitimacy and authority, capacity to provide public or collective goods, sound economic management, and a sense of collective interest and inclusiveness. Their operations have been facilitated by modern technology, mainly on the field of information, and globalization. VNSAs are taking maximum use of information access and flows, as well as access to modern technology and banking facilities coupled with ease of movement across the borders.

45. Every country in the world is affected by some sort of terrorism. Developed countries and major powers have been targeted to greater extent by networks of terrorist organizations like Al-Qaeda, Jemah Islamia (JI) etc. Terrorist organizations are not only posing threat to international security but also carrying out devastating terrorist acts. September 11, 2001 Al-Qaeda attack in US demonstrates the level of terrorist threat; the US led 'War on Terror' in aftermath of that attack is the best example of impact of terrorism in international security. Ataman compares September 11 incident with Japanese attack in Pearl Harbor, which pulled US to Second World War. [53] Citing Clemons, Ataman further says, the '…incident showed the world the horror of terrorism, the vulnerability of all nations-states including the strongest one, and its paramount effect on international politics and the world order. Terrorism demonstrated that the powerlessness and vulnerability of the only hegemon of the world, the US, against terrorism'. [54] 

46. However, objective of insurgents is to capture of the certain state and they enjoy certain degree of legitimacy; they do not refrain from using terror tactics. Use of such tactics makes it difficult to isolate them from terrorists. Insurgents mostly carry out trans-border operations and extensively use criminal networks for arms and funds. 'Insurgents develop transnational links especially with diaspora communities'. [55] Several insurgencies in the past, such as anti-colonialism and anti-apartheid struggles, had enjoyed wider international support even from nation-states. At present context, some insurgencies, such as Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan, FARC in Columbia, are affecting international security.

47. High level of organized crime in some countries like Mexico, Russia etc influence security beyond the state boundaries. Latin American drug cartels, Mafia and Japanese Yakuza are the some other criminal organizations, which may pose threat to international security, since they operate at international level. Currently, the linkage between international terrorism and criminals is considered a big threat to international security. A recent US report shows how it has been perceived and going to be countered:

U.S. efforts to combat the relationship between crime and terrorism are a subset of broader policy responses to transnational crime and international terrorism individually. While numerous U.S. strategies and programs are designed to combat international terrorism and transnational crime separately, fewer efforts focus specifically on addressing the confluence of the two. Those efforts that do exist focus mainly on (1) human smuggling and clandestine terrorist travel, (2) money laundering and terrorist financing, and (3) narcoterrorism links between drug traffickers and terrorists. [56] 

48. Mercenaries have been used in war since ancient times. 'While traditional mercenaries are banned under international law, modern private security or military companies usually act on a legalized and licensed basis'. [57] PMCs are commercial organizations doing business of providing combatants, trainers or advisers, or other forms of operational or logistical support, and are contracted by governments, companies or other non-state actors. Several governments, NSAs and even VNSAs have been using such service. Kinsey argues that it is dangerous to provide PMC service to rulers but without PMC support '..many members are unlikely to fulfill their intended objectives'; [58] since '..the West's reluctance to deploy military force to end new wars has meant NGOs, international organizations, and the business sector turning to alternative measures to protect their organizations and create a secure environment in which to work. [59] 

49. Jesse Schwartz thinks that the 'PMCs, in fact, create threats that were previously non-existent'; [60] because their services is meant for those with the ability to pay, regardless of their legitimacy, and PMCs are not penalized for their past transgressions. [61] Therefore, unless and until PMCs are regulated through international law, the possibility of them being employed elsewhere poses big threat to international security.

Overview

50. Due to wide diversification of VNSAs, it is not easy to offer a general conclusion that VNSAs are either good or evil in relation to international security. VNSAs do not seem to be making any positive contribution to the international security; rather, they are threat to it. As a concluding remarks Mulaj writes, 'A wide gamut of violent non-state actors have acquired significant importance in contemporary world politics, in so far such actors contest the legitimacy of state monopolization of organized violence more than ever before'. [62] International terrorist organizations are the biggest threat at present context. Other VNSAs may pose serious threat to individual state and may endanger its relations with other state(s); their direct influence on international level is comparatively less but possibility of alliance between them remains as a big danger.

CHAPTER V

INTERNATIONAL NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS & MULTINATIONAL CORPORATION AS INTERNATIONAL PLAYERS

Defining INGOs and MNCs

51. According to Wikipedia definition, NGO '..is a term that has become widely accepted as referring to a legally constituted, non-governmental organization created by natural or legal persons with no participation or representation of any government'. [63] Ataman writes, NGOs '…are institutions that are established by non-state actors or at least one side of these organizations is not states'. [64] Even if a NGO is funded by the government, government representation is not included in it. There are number about 40,000 INGOs and national numbers are even higher. [65] 

52. Ataman considers various kinds of NGOs such as transnational, government organized, business and industry, government-regulated and initiated, people's organizations, donor-organized, donor-dominated, operational, advocacy, transnational social movements, quasi, and anti-governmental NGOs. [66] Citing Matthews, Schwartz writes, NGOs 'serve a variety of functions ranging from advocacy, protest, and mobilization of public support, to legal, scientific, technical and policy analysis. But perhaps their greatest accomplishments have been their influence over states'. [67] NGOs are partner as well competitor to the state; they partner with states to provide services and compete for own agendas.

53. In Ataman view, MNCs are '…huge firms that own and control plants and offices in at least more than one country and sell their goods and services around the world. They are large corporations having branches and subsidiaries operating on a worldwide basis in many countries simultaneously'. [68] The MNCs are profit oriented and they can be classified according to their business activities such as extractive resources, agriculture, industrial products, transportation, banking, and tourism. The industrial and financial corporations are the most notable MNCs.

INGOs and MNCs : International Security Aspects

54. With the expansion of globalization, INGOs are influencing foreign policy decision-making of a state more and more. They '…have become more significant determinants of foreign policies of nation-states. Like their counterparts that operates at domestic level and lobby in their respective countries, they lobby at international and transnational levels. ...[they] have invaded the territory of nation states'. [69] When most of these INGOs are 'driven by international agenda dominated by West and Western interests and values' [70] ; they will ultimately be serving the Western interests. There is no guarantee that this trend will positively contribute to the international security.

55. Some INGOs are well known for their impartiality and they have already secured a prestigious space at different fields. International Red Cross, working in humanitarian field is an example of it. Such INGOs can effectively operate even under worst security situation, such as internal or international conflicts. They can maintain a failed state, torn apart by a civil war to prevent further deterioration of security situation.

56. MNCs limit sovereignty of a state; since they '…are are very effective in directing foreign policy of states, including that of the most powerful ones, and they set agenda for international politics'. [71] Carnoy argues that 'MNCs serve national interests of home countries as instruments of global economic development, a mechanism spreads ideology and a tool of diplomacy. They are highly centralized and are dominated by the parent company which is located in the home country'. [72] Therefore, however, MNCs provide some economic benefit to host country; their profit oriented nature can lead to economic exploitation. MNCs political influence over host country does not guarantee that it will serve international security; since the influence is for the interests of home country [73] which may or may not be compatible to international security.

Overview

57. There is a huge structural difference between non-profitable INGOs and profit oriented MNCs, but there are many similarities in the way they function in international relations. Both of the NSAs weaken the authority of nation-state in favor of the states of own roots. However, they can make some positive contribution, but there is no guarantee that how their greater role in international relations will influence international security.

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

Actor-wise Influence on International Security

58. The study revealed that different major NSAs influence international security from different ways. IGOs as the key actors of global governance, plays most significant role on regulating international relations and make huge positive contribution to the maintenance of international security under the phenomenon of collective security. IGOs not only shape but also maintain or regulate international security.

59. VNSAs, do not have any positive contribution to the international security; rather, they are threat to it. International terrorist organizations are the biggest threat at present context. Other VNSAs may pose serious threat to individual state and may endanger its relations with other state(s). INGOs and MNCs role are contextual, since their influence is mostly on behalf of the country's interests where they belong to.

60. It is also been found that every NSA of a group has different degree and sometimes nature of influence over international security. Within IGOs, global organizations like UN have greater positive influence, whereas regional organizations and defense organizations have comparatively less effect. In VNSAs group, international terrorist organizations is the most negatively influential actor in international security but insurgents, organized criminal groups and PMCs are less influential even though they can affect state to a greater extent. In INGOs and MNC group, the type, objective and nature of NSA found to be determinant for the degree of influence they can exert in international security.

Nature of Influence

61. The NSAs being observed to be having three different nature of influences in international security. The IGOs and VNSAs found to be having positive and negative influences respectively, whereas INGOs and MNCs' influences are of mixed nature. This trend indicates that the major NSAs are having conflicting relationship with each other.

Gravity of Influence

62. From the group perspective, the gravity of influence of IGOs and VNSAs are of greater in international security. At the individual NSA basis, global organization likes UN and international terrorist organizations found to be having greater but conflicting influence in international security. Most of the VNSAs, even if gravity of their influence in international security is lower, found to be having significant influence at domestic level or within a state.