Paid News In The Indian Medias

Published Date: 02 Nov 2017

Abstract

The emergence of Media Corporation, through growing cross media ownership is having their impact on media's public service commitments. In recent times, the Indian media and its journalistic practices have been criticised for breaking the trust of the public. Indian media have successfully succeeded in growing their economy through cross-ownership and advertorials. Under the influence of profit making, commercial interests which are controlling the news content, as editorial contents are being sold like other commodities. This commercialization of the media content is evident in phenomena like paid news.

News is meant to be objective, fair and unbiased. This is the only difference between news and opinions. But, recently, the lines between news and advertisements are blurring because paid advertisements are deceived as news which favours a particular organization or a person by selling editorial spaces. The media organizations misguide the readers by providing no true information to them. By doing this, the media questions its own credibility and is fast losing the trust of the society. The readers/viewers cannot distinguish the difference between a news report and advertorials.

This paper argues that the media is no longer the fourth estate of journalism and has become like any other marketable product with reference to paid news. The face of journalism in India has changed. The press is mostly owned and controlled by the 'capitalist class' (i.e. the rich and powerful in society; opinion leaders; gatekeepers), who can use the press to report facts which are convenient to them. Over years, the ownership pattern, organizational structure and the content of the newspapers have changed. They are on sale for paid news and private treaties. In addition, this paper also tires to observe the impacts and analyse the responses of the media, civil society and the state on paid news.

The Journey

The first Indian newspaper named The Calcutta Gazette was started by James Hicky on January 29, 1780. For three decades, all the Indian newspapers were owned by the British and were published in English. Indian social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Lokmanya Tilak, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Gandhiji and Lala Lajpar Rai used the press as a weapon to fight against the British Raj.

During the post independence period, many newspaper managements controlled the editorial by allowing their family members to join their organization. In 1975, Indira Gandhi declared political emergency from 25th June 1975 to 21st March 1977 and imposed restrictions on the print media including termination of certain news agencies. Post- emergency, the business of journalism became more corporate and money driven.

Around late 1980’s CNN and BBC World news channels were available to the Indian viewers. From 1995 to 2003 the Indian television news channel started competing with the newspapers. The news that was broadcasted on the television got influenced by the race for highest Television Rating Points. The news channel started focusing more on entertainment and lifestyle coverage. In addition, many regional and Indian editions of foreign magazine were also launched in India.

1Newspaper owners function under multiple constraints, including newsprint controls, proprietary demands to meet the bottom line, and the pressure to sustain business interest in a regulatory environment, increasing cover price, pressure to depend more on advertisers than on subscribers, advertising/commercial pressures/priorities, labour and technology issues, political pressures of ruling parties and opposition parties, possibilities of government censorship and lobbying.

The issue of paid news was officially discussed during the meet of the South Asia Free Media Association in Mumbai and later during the annual general meeting of the Editor’s Guild of India. The Editor’s Guild of India sent a letter to each of its member-editors throughout the country asking for pledges that his/her publication/TV channel will not carry any paid news as the practice ‘violates and undermines the principles of free and fair journalism’.

The letter, signed by Rajdeep Sardesai and Coomi Kapoor, President and Secretary General of the Guild respectively, expressed hope that ‘the entire journalist fraternity would come together on this issue’ and defend their credibility with public declarations on the subject in order to restore public trust.

Even a documentary titled ‘Advertorial: Selling News or Products?’ was produced by an eminent media critic and academic Paranjoy Guha Thakurta for India’s national broadcaster, Doordarshan. Guha Thakurta, a member of the Press Council investigative team said in an interview that the committee had received many complaints from the journalists that a large number of newspapers and television channels (in various languages) had been receiving money to provide news space (and even editorials) for the benefit of politicians.

Paid News and the Private Treaties Phenomenon

2"Paid news is run to pass off an advertisement, apiece of propaganda and advertisement...pass that as news, pretend that it is news that is "paid news" – P. Sainath. It is a deal signed by the media organizations with an individual especially corporate houses and the candidate standing for elections, assuring them a fixed amount of coverage through advertisements and news reports in favour of them. In addition, additional fee can be charged to run negative campaign against their rivals. The paid news operation is done secretly and no disclosure is made before such news printed or broadcasted. Journalists willing or otherwise practice this phenomenon on a large scale. Journalists who do not wish to practice this phenomenon are either sacked from their organizations or the individuals are denied coverage and also suffer media blackouts.

3The advertisers, who are ever anxious to catch consumers off guard, believe that 'simply there cannot be a better way of breaking into consumer mind space than disguising the brand messages as news, which is more credible and convincing than raw advertising,' says Santosh Desai, managing director and CEO, Future Brands. Such content is priced more than the regular advertising rates.

Private Treaties

Private treaties are signed with corporate organizations because media owners want to grow their organizations. In 2002, Bennett, Coleman and Co. Ltd (BCCL) launched this phenomenon of private treaties by singing deals with potential advertisers who could not afford mainstream advertising in return for equity shares in their companies. Many corporate leaders say that when the news space is available for sale, there are many buyers for it, especially when it meets their needs. Example: In The Times of India, Delhi Edition, Olay brand articles were a part of paid marketing campaign by Proctor and Gamble, India.

The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) reported that media organizations are entering into agreements called private treaties with corporate organizations whose equity shares are listed on the stock exchanges that come out with public offer of their shares. The media organizations are picking up stakes in companies and in return are providing favourable coverage through advertisements, news reports and editorials.

In India, all the top dailies and periodicals are published by chains of ownership. [4] Eight publishing groups were registered or had been found to be ‘registerable' under the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices (MRTP) Act, 1969 as their assets exceeded $25 million each in March 1980. Out of the eight MRTP companies, four are controlled by the Indian Express Newspapers Group. The assets of this group are estimated at $125 million.

Metro Now, published by Delhi-based Metropolitan Media Company, a 50:50 joint venture between Hindustan Times Media Limited and BCCL, was shut down. However, it was restarted, and it came as a free supplement along with Hindustan Times and The Times of India. In addition, Mid-Day no longer has its morning edition in Mumbai.

The reason: to make profits, build brands and alliances with the advertising and marketing organization. Such ownership patterns are unknown to the public. Most newspaper owners are engaged in multiple businesses. However, the government is still debating on cross- media ownership at Telecommunication Regulatory Authority of India website, but, still has not been so successful in controlling the cross ownership patterns of the news media organizations.

Repercussions of Selling Editorial Space

Most media organizations are interested in making profits for which they sacrifice the ethical norms of journalistic practice in favour of paid news. The first paid news phenomenon was broken down by P. Sainath. Paid news is common in Lok Sabha and state assemblies’ elections especially in states like Maharashtra and Haryana. [5] As per media reports, the size of the ‘paid news’ market in Andhra Pradesh in the elections in 2009 alone, was said to be over Rs 1,000 crore. In Maharashtra, it is said to be in multi thousand crores.

A lot of evidence is available of the malpractice. Example: Ashok Chavan used the print media effectively during the Maharashtra state elections in 2009. Identical articles with similar photographs and headlines appeared in publications carrying by-lines of different authors around the same time praising both the candidates claiming that both are likely to win the election, hints at paid news phenomenon. Nowhere, in the publication, there is any indication of such news reports which have involved financial transaction or has been sponsored by certain individuals or political parties.

Press Council of India's draft report of enquiry titled ‘News: How corruption in the Indian Media Undermines Indian Democracy’ points out that the deception that paid news involves takes place at three distinct levels (Sainath, 2010a):

6The reader or the viewer is deceived into believing that what is essentially an advertisement is in fact, independently produced news content.

Moreover, candidates contesting elections do not disclose the true expenditure incurred on campaigning thereby violating the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961, which have been framed by, and are meant to be enforced by, the Election Commission of India under the Representation of the People Act, 1951.

The newspapers and television channels concerned usually receive funds for paid news in cash and do not disclose such earnings in their company balance sheets or official statements of accounts. Thus, by not accounting for the money received from candidates, the concerned media company or its representatives are violating the provisions of the Companies Act, 1956 as well as the Income Tax Act, 1961, among other laws.

Edelman, an independent public relations firm, in its 2010 Trust Barometer Survey states that the Indian news media have been losing their credibility and trust among its people. [7] Over the past two years, trust on television news dropped sharply from 61 per cent to just 36 per cent, that of business magazines has gone down from 72 per cent to 47 per cent, and that of newspapers has gone down from 61 per cent to 40 per cent. Trust in the media in India as a whole declined by 7 per cent (from 65 per cent in 2009 to 58 per cent in 2010. This decline in trust speaks volumes about the future role of the media in India and the threats to its hard earned freedom.

According to the 2nd Press Commission report, the role of press should be constructive critic. It must oppose an official policy when needed; support it when it can at most of the times, bring out instructive opinions on important issues covering all aspects/ angles to provide knowledge to people.

Journalists are accepted as moral guides in the Indian society. They are accepted because of the foundation on which the concept of media freedom was built. India guaranteed freedom of speech and expression to its citizens. It is a fundamental right under Article 19(1) (A) of the Indian Constitution, which allows everyone to express their views as well as allows the right to print matters which are borrowed from someone or printed under the direction of that person.

Content

When the newspapers were run by freedom fighters, the content consisted of personal attacks, scandals, religious affairs and private affairs. In 20th Century, Eenadu newspaper in Andhra Pradesh started a campaign against liquor by providing it extensive coverage to rural women’s fight against local drink shops. Such examples are rare in 21st Century.

8Although the Indian press is often credited for its activist roles, such as helping in the fight against alcoholism, preventing farmer suicides and protecting water sources. It seems to have 'reverted back to its pro-establishment stance of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century'

Now days, the purpose of news media is to bring out gossip and entertain its viewers and readers. In addition, it protects the businesses and sociopolitical interests of the elite class. Example: The Times of India which is owned by Bennett, Coleman and Company is now a Corporate Entity, Brand Capital and Brand Equity Treaties. According to the Brand Capital Website, It has entered into more than 200 companies in product categories like education to healthcare, consumer durables, and real estate to retail and so on. Brand equity picks up a stake in a company in return for positive coverage to organization in form of editorials coverage and discounted advertisements.

In late 1990’s the public relation department opened within the newspapers organizations and the power of journalists was replaced by the power of management. [9] The power of the unsaid statement, ‘do not pay anything extra; instead pay the media house directly’ points clearly the difference between Gandhian journalism and modern-day journalism. Gandhiji considered journalism primarily as a service to society and as a vehicle for his views on religion, ethics, morality, politics and economics. Modern day publishers and editors look upon their work as a business like any other business, motivated by considerations of profit, economic advantage and social prestige.

Today, journalism is more about Public Relations. Most stories published in the newspapers are image consultants then investigative stories. The Times of India is criticized for carrying any investigative reports. On the other hand, The Indian Express is praised for carrying investigative stories. The news channel has also been criticized for sting operations that are carried by them. Example: Zee news VS the Jindal case, Tehelka expose (on casting coach in Bollywood, false sex-racket by Delhi school teacher funded by local business man leading to ban of the channel by Government of India and so on). [10] Scholars have pointed out issues like creation of news instead of covering news, dismal handling of news during disasters and news as entertainment.

Paid News Syndrome and Need for Greater Accountability

The paid news syndrome has become a debateable topic for various platforms. When the credibility of the media is lost, its freedom gets restricted. Hamid Ansari, the Vice President of India said "The explosive growth in the media had highlighted the fact that the Fourth Estate is only one among the pillars of democracy that has an identifiable commercial and profit facade."

Strongly arguing against paid news, [11] Arun Jaitley claims those who are in a position to pay more for information expressed as paid news shape the human minds in this country accordingly. This cannot be free speech. At best, it could be trade, it could be business, and, therefore, the government has to take this out of the arena of free speech and put it in the arena of business or trade, all in public interest. Favouring deterrent penalty against those who indulge in such practices he suggests that 'in the case of (a) candidate, it has to be an offence under election law (The phrase) 'corrupt practice' must be amended in the Representation of the People Act and this should be a ground for setting aside the election and disqualifying the candidate, and if parties indulge in this…there must be action against this."

On the other hand, people who run the media houses and the people who work for them believe that there is no such thing as paid news.

N Baijendra Kumar, an IAS officer who is the commissioner of the PR department, said it is an insult to claim that journalists are paid to write news items. [12] "We undertake sponsored programmes to showcase our success stories. We get our stories done, be it spots, features or documentaries as advertisements. There is nothing-paid news about it, nothing hidden about it. Everything is in white, duly recorded and accounted," he said.

In addition, Z24 editor Abhay Kishore said it was wrong to call this arrangement paid news. [13] "It is mere selling of slots. We do not give wrong information to readers. It does not matter who is funding the story as long as it is genuine," he said. "The term paid news is coined by the national media without understanding the concerns of regional media. We have to evolve new forms of revenue as it is a challenge to sustain TV journalism. This market is highly localised and therefore has less advertising. There is no corporate advertising. Hence we have to approach the government. We do not surrender but let them use our platform for

development stories. We are number one here for the last three years and it would not have been so if it were for paid news. We have run several stories against the government."

ETV's Chhattisgarh bureau chief Manoj Singh Baghel said it is "absolutely incorrect" to say that his channel produces news stories about the success of the Chhattisgarh government and broadcasts them as reports. [14] "In fact, success stories of Chhattisgarh government, released by the public relations department are shown on the channel, but only as advertisement or sponsored items. There is always a clear understanding between the public relations department and all the channels, including ETV, that success stories are being released as advertisements," Baghel claimed.

Sanjay Shekhar, Chhattisgarh bureau chief of Sadhna News, said [15] "government advertisements" came in two forms. "They give us produced items or ask our marketing teams to produce them for which we charge an amount. Of late, the latter category has increased," he said.

Paid news is a kind of corruption which needs to be regulated within same way the other organizations are dealt with. News media organizations should mention at the bottom that the news has been paid giving people the choice. Example: Bombay Times mentions advertorials under its masthead. To prevent this paid news business one needs an ethical and powerful regulatory mechanism. Certain norms should be made mandatory. The Press Council of India can try an arrest the media owners when they involve in media irregularity (paid news).

Legal and Ethical Framework against Paid News

There is no specific law against paid news. We need to implement a strong law which will stop this malpractice. However, there are some provisions which are relevant to this malpractice.

The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has following suggestions:

16Disclosures regarding the stake held by the media company may be made mandatory in the news report/article/editorial in newspapers/television channels relating to the company in which the media group holds such a stake.

Disclosure on percentage of stake held by media groups in various companies under such 'private treaties' on the website of media groups may be made mandatory.

Any other disclosures relating to such agreements such as any nominee of the media group on the board of directors of the company, any management control or other details which may be required to be disclosed and which may be a potential conflict of interest for the media group, may also be made mandatory.

The Press Council of India's guidelines for financial journalists framed in 1996 contain the following guidelines relevant to paid news:

17Financial journalists should not accept gifts, loans, trips, discounts, preferential shares or other considerations which compromise or are likely to compromise his position.

It should be mentioned prominently in a report about a company that the report has been based on information provided by the company or its financial sponsors.

When trips are sponsored for visiting establishments of a company and hospitality extended, the author of the report who has availed of such facilities must invariably state these in his report.

A reporter who exposes a scam or brings out a report for promotion of a good project should be encouraged and awarded.

A journalist who has a financial interest in a company (including holding of shares) should not report on that company.

The journalist should not use for his personal benefit or for the benefit of his relations or friends, information received by him in advance for publication.

No newspaper owner, editor or anybody connected with a newspaper should use his relationship with the newspaper to promote his other business interests.

The Election Commission guidelines prohibit television channels and radio stations from broadcasting election campaign during the period of 48 hours prior to the scheduled polling, but the same is not applicable to print media and hence newspapers are free to carry election campaign related news and advertising even on the morning of polling. Secondly, political parties are prohibited either to paint advertisements or stick posters on the walls. Thirdly, candidates are not allowed to deliver speeches after 10pm. In order to keep a check on the expenditure incurred by political parties, their candidates and also to ensure that no one prints any material in the form of advertisements, pamphlets etc., the Section 127 A of the Representation of the People Act 1951 provides that ‘No person shall print or publish, or cause to be printed or published any election pamphlet or poster which does not bear on its face, the names and addresses of the printer and the publisher thereof’.

Incidences of Paid News

Zee News Vs Jindal case, 2012

In 2012, the recent case of Zee News VS Naveen Jindal where Zee’s senior journalists were arrested over alleged extortion. Mr. Naveen Jindal (Member of Parliament) claimed that the channel attempted to extort Rs 100 crore from him for not airing stories against his company in coal block allocation, a charge strongly denied by the media house. 

CWG Kalmadi Case, 2010

The paid news phenomenon was evident during the Commonwealth Games that took place in 2010, Delhi. No media house wrote any negative stories of the Games Organization or any other aspect till as late as July.

The Times of India, leading English daily of Delhi sent a proposal to Kalmadi for positive coverage of the Commonwealth Games on 10th November 2009. The entire deal was worth Rs 12.19 crore. The deal provides special features, CWG quiz, seminars, marathon, Q&As and even a Coffee table book. The media group wanted an "Official Newspaper" status for its flagship newspaper. The proposal stated "We do not solicit any financial assistance from CWG for the above activities apart from regular advertising support for encouragement" (http://www.scribd.com/doc/36412101/CWG-Paid-News-proposal)

This proposal clearly shows that the lines between advertisements and new are blurred. In this case Right to Information act is violated. The reader or viewer is denied of a true picture and is made to believe whatever is offered to him.

The Indian Express Newspaper operation, 2010

In May 2010, The Indian Express Newspaper exposed an unethical relationship between the state and its leading private TV channel. The details about the Paid News proposal between the Sahara Samay - Hindi news channel and the Chhattisgarh government (Raman Singh – BJP) were exposed.

Sahara Samay presented a proposal to the public relations department of the Chhattisgarh government about covering government activities during 2010-2011. The proposal was:

Two-minute special package: The package will contain CM’s speeches, government policies, and special news related to various other departments. This package will appear 15 times a day on the news bulletin. The cost of this entire package - Rs 3.28 crore per year at Rs 3,000 per minute.

Live telecast of CM’s public meetings: Every time Raman Singh, the Chief Minister addresses a meeting, the Sahara Samaj will broadcast the program live for 10 minutes. The cost of this entire package- Rs 48 lakh per year for four broadcasts every month costing Rs 1 lakh each.

Ticker: Various schemes provided by the BJP Chhattisgarh government will appear on the news channel for 10 hours a day, out of which five of those hours during prime time. The cost of this entire package is Rs 60 lakh per year.

Special package: The channel will do a half hour story on special government schemes and how well are the Central schemes being implemented in Chhattisgarh. The cost of this entire package – Rs. 50 lakh per year for two programmes a month.

Side panel: Slogans along with pictures of Chief Minister Raman Singh will display on the side panel of the television screen. The cost of this entire package is Rs 14.6 lakh per year.

The Indian Express newspaper had some documents that showed that Raman Singh had paid for favourable news stories and live coverage. This included government welfare programmes, planting of trees in Naya Raipur, distribution of subsidised rice to the poor, the Commonwealth Games Queen's Baton Relay, disputes pending in courts. The public is unaware that most of these programmes do not say the government has sponsored them.

Some examples of the Chhattisgarh government’s PR department paying TV channels for favourable coverage, and proposals from channels for paid coverage:

In February 2011, Sahara Samay proposed producing a "special programme focusing on how various government departments facing Naxal challenge are running development activities". Cost: Rs 25 lakh plus service tax for programme to be aired on national channel, NCR channel, MP-Chhattisgarh, Bihar-Jharkhand and Uttarakhand channels on 12 occasions." A March 3, order gave permission to "produce and telecast special programmes on Naxalism".

In May 2011, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Sushma Swaraj, visited Bastar to inaugurate a chana distribution programme. Z24, Sahara Samay, ETV Chhattisgarh and Sadhna News telecast the programme live and produced "special stories". Cost: Rs 14.26 lakh

On March 2010, Z24 produced a report titled ‘Jenelia Ki Lal Kahani’ or ‘Jenelia’s Red story’ after Bastar police arrested a woman named Jenelia on suspicion that she was a Maoist. The report was produced even before the woman’s interrogation could be completed and the police could establish she was indeed a Maoist extremist. Z24 submitted a CD containing the report and a copy of the script, along with the CD of another story, to the PR department and demanded Rs 10 lakh plus service tax. Officials paid them Rs 4 lakh saying - "the channel did not repeat the programme on prime time. Also, most of it was file footage".

Maharashtra State Assembly Elections, 2009

Election results: Candidate Ashok Chavan won the elections against Madhavrao Kinhalkar by 1, 20, 849 votes against 13,345 votes.

Chavan’s advertising expenditure: According to the Section 77 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 states that candidates must submit their campaign expenses accounts to the district election officer within 30 days of the declaration of results. In addition, day to day accounts must be submitted. The spending limit imposed on contestants is Rs. 10 Lakhs. Chavan had spent less than Rs. 7 Lakhs on his election campaign. He claims that he spent mere Rs. 5,379 on newspaper advertisements during the 2009 state assembly elections. Additionally, Rs. 6000 were spent on cable television advertisements.

Information of Chavan apperead in:

The Pudhari, a Marathi daily on 7 October 2009, had reporters name at the bottom.

The Lokmath, a Marathi daily on 10 October 2009, attributed to special correspondent.

The Maharashtra Times on 10 October 2009 had no byline.

On 12 September 2009, the Lokmath published a four page colour supplement ‘Ashok Prav’ or ‘The Era of Ashok’. This was followed by full page information about Ashok Chavan till voting day.

A limited check by The Hindu turned up around 47 full pages of news stories praising Ashok Chavan mostly in colour. Such news items appeared between 1st and 12th of October 2009, in multiple editions of the Lokmath.

On 13 October 2009, Lokmath published ‘Vikas Prav’ or ‘The Era of Development’', centered on Ashok Chavan and the progress of Maharashtra under his Congress party.

None of these news reports carried the words ‘advertisement’ or ‘paid for’. What was this information all about then? If the media organizations had declared the news reports as advertisements, Chavan’s expenditure would have exceeded than the amount he claimed. By not accounting for the money received from candidates, the concerned media company or its representatives are violating the provisions of the Companies Act, 1956 as well as the Income Tax Act, 1961 among other laws.

Parcha Kodanda Rama Rao – Assembly elections, 2009

18Parcha Kodanda Rama Rao of the Loksatta Party paid Rs 50,000, yet lost the assembly election from Warangal West in Andhra Pradesh. "I had to prove a point...that news could be bought for a price," he says. He was also perhaps left with no choice because he found virtually no mention of his candidature in the press whereas rivals Telangana Rashtriya Samiti (TRS) spent lakhs on publicity. One call to the Warangal bureau of Eenadu, the largest Telugu newspaper with a 90-lakh readership, and Rao found an Achilles’ heel. "I was politely informed that if I paid up like other candidates in the fray, I would get my share of space," he recalls. "I was worried that readers were perhaps not even aware that I was contesting and so called a reporter and paid Rs 50,000. I was promptly rewarded with three half-page colour features on three consecutive days highlighting my worth as a politician and predicting my strong prospects of winning the election." This article was published in the Outlook Magazine titled ‘News You can Abuse’ on December 21st, 2009.

Dainik Jagran newspaper – Ranchi edition, 2009

On April 15, 2009, The Dainik Jagran newspaper – Ranchi edition published a news item on page 3, in favour of a candidate Shri Kameshwar Baitha belonging to Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. The news article stated that Shri Kameshwar Baitha could win the elections from the Palamau Lok Sabha Constituency because he was getting the support of each section of the society. This is an example of paid news because there was no by-line to the news article and the font used was different from the font used in other news item in the publication. Secondly, on the same page, another article stated that there would be a triangular contest between three candidates belonging to the same party (Jharkhand Mukti Morcha) and an independent candidate. This report had a by-line and the font used was same when compared to the rest of the news articles.

On April 13, 2009, The Dainik Jagran newspaper – Ranchi edition published a news item on page 7, in favour of a candidate Shri Nagmani. The news article stated that Shri Kameshwar Baitha could win the elections from the Chatra Lok Sabha Constituency because he was getting the support of each section of the society. Secondly, on the same page, another article stated that Shri Arun Kumar Yadav would win elections because of he was getting the support of each section of the society. Both these news item are examples of paid news because there was no by-line to the news article and the font used was different from the font used in other news item in the publication.

Pratham Pravakta magazine, 2009

Former Civil Aviation Minister Shri Harmohan Dhawan was quoted in Pratham Pravakta magazine (in its edition dated July 16, 2009) stating: [19] â€˜I was contesting the 2009 elections on a ticket of the BSP from Chandigarh. Representatives of the print medium came to me and asked for money. They said their newspapers would give me coverage if I paid them money. They offered a 'package' to me and in one such ‘package’; they informed me that the editorials written would be in my favour. I have been contesting elections since 1974 but not a single newspaper asked me for money before this. Among the newspapers that offered, a 'package' to me was Punjab Kesari. A representative of Dainik Jagran came to me 20 days before the election and clearly told me: 'If you want coverage in this election, you have to buy a 'package'. These packages were worth lakhs of rupees. After that, a representative of Dainik Bhaskar visited me in my home. He too offered me a 'package'. 'I turned down all these offers. I felt that newspapers would cover large election rallies where many people are present but the rallies that were conducted on my behalf were not mentioned in these newspapers whereas the rallies of other candidates were covered in considerable detail. When I raised this issue with representatives of the managements of these newspapers, they told me that nothing could be done unless I paid for a 'package'. On April 28, 2009, I spoke about this 'paid news' business publicly in the presence of (Kumari) Mayawati (Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and leader of the BSP). On April 30, a general manager of Dainik Bhaskar came to me and said that he was personally of the view that the pre-election activities of the BSP and its candidates should get full coverage in his newspaper but that he was helpless in this regard because his newspaper's management had taken a decision not to publish any news about any party or candidate that would not pay the newspaper. He offered me a 'package' worth Rs 5 lakh but I refused to pay. Certain reporters also told me that reports that they had written about my election campaign were not published. I realized that newspaper owners were using reporters as their tools.'

The Congress candidate from Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh Dr Santosh Singh stated the following in an interview to Pratham Pravakta (July 16, 2009): [20] After I had filed my nomination paper, a representative of the Varanasi edition of Dainik Jagran contacted me and asked me to buy one of two packages worth Rs 5 lakh and Rs 10 lakh respectively, for which I was offered comprehensive coverage of my election campaign. Another newspaper, Aaj, asked for an amount varying between Rs 50,000 and Rs 5 lakh. The representatives of these newspapers who met me said they were merely following orders given to them by their managements. These representatives told me that they are just following the order of management. I did not pay any money’.

Shri Ramakant Yadav of the BJP who contested and won the Lok Sabha election from Azamgarh stated the following in an interview in Pratham Pravakta (July 16, 2009): [21] â€˜Hindustan newspaper asked me to pay Rs 10 lakh for publishing news about my election campaign. I refused to pay any money. In an article, the newspaper claimed I would lose the election. However, now that the results have been declared, you know that I won’.

Prabhat Khabar and Hindustan, Ranchi edition

Prabhat Khabar and Hindustan, both the newspapers, Ranchi edition, had also published articles about various candidates before Parliamentary elections. However, Prabhat Khabar placed the following line on top of each news item ‘PK Media Marketing Initiative’. Similarly, Hindustan added a line at the bottom of each news article ‘HT Media Marketing Initiative’.

Umlesh Yadav’s case, 2007

During, the Uttar Pradesh state assembly elections in 2007, she was disqualified by the Election Commission of India for a period of three years under section 77 (Of the Representation of the People Act). Reason: she did not maintain her correct accounts of election expenditure.

Conclusion

Paid news is moving from strength to strength receiving a lot of money from hungry individuals and organizations. It would be wrong to blame the press entirely, for this malpractice. This is a two way process (sender and receiver). Sadly, it means that the society today can be bought with the power of money - whether it is a simple product, a space for advertisement, the ‘objective’ news or the opinion of a media house.