The British Built Daimler

Published Date: 02 Nov 2017

Rhajaa Wright

Mr. Lewis

APUSH: Period 1

The Event

The British- built Daimler, Tilling-Stevens, BUT Single-deck trolleybuses, BristolK5G (Miller). The average American is undoubtedly beyond too occupied and solemnly too careless to partition time to identify the numerous types of buses that have at one point rolled down the roads of our nation. What value would it hold for anyone to be able to reiterate the various models that have existed? It might help someone prevail in a game of Jeopardy at the most, but let’s face it, in our day and age, the technicality of non-cyber based objects is the least of our concerns. However, it’s not too much to ask the average American to classify the elongated gas guzzler deviating from a typical automobile as a bus. Buses are buses, they all look similar in one way or another, they all drive on our hectic streets, and they all serve the major purpose to transport their passengers to their desired destination. Yet, during various years of our nation’s history, there were times when these simple mediums of transportation produced more havoc than they currently produce pollution. There was a period in history when the public bus did not consist of the jumbled plethora of diverse and unique people that currently fill its seats, but instead was divided into two parts. Black and white. During the 1950s the segregation of public buses that existed in Alabama, was sole evidence that the democracy that our nation was found under was profusely hypocritical. And, this venomous hypocrisy would not cease to exist until the workings of a few profound individuals threw the inequality and suppression under the bus. In the fifties, Montgomery, Alabama was commonly known as the "Cradle of the Confederacy", adeptly named since it was an area of profound racism and discrimination towards the non- Anglo-Saxon American (Baron). Segregation within public facilities had begun to subside in various areas around the nation, however the restrictive Jim Crow Laws within the south ensured that African Americans would refrain from rising to any form of political or economic power and white supremacy would keep blacks in "their place as second class citizens" (Freedman). Countless hot spots were specifically designated for "whites only" and "colored people only". These varying accommodations were labeled by the city as "separate but equal", however this was rarely the case, as the African American facilities tended to be unkempt and less eloquent. Every aspect of life was controlled by the Jim Crow Laws from movie theaters, to water fountains, to cemeteries, to the simple public bus where no one is even obligated to merely utter a word to one another (Freedman). Regardless, segregation was the standard in the south, and even more standard in Alabama. Even after May 17th, 1954, when the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that school segregation was unconstitutional, Montgomery, Alabama refused to reform its segregated system. Simply put, "this city of about 130,000 people—50,000 of them African Americans—had once been the capital of the Confederacy, and its white leaders had no wish to leave the old ways" (African Americans Boycott Buses In Montgomery).This is why hell broke loose whenever an African American had the "audacity" to "disrespect" the Jim Crow Laws.

The seating arrangement of public buses was demoralizing. The bus was divided into a white section and a black section that was clearly labeled with a sign. The first ten front seats were designated for whites, while the last twenty six were reserved for blacks (Freedman). Although the laws didn’t directly state it, bus drivers believed they had the sole ability to relocate the sign wherever they saw necessary in order to accommodate the white passengers on the bus. Therefore African Americans would sometimes have to bear watching their section on the bus deteriorate as more white riders boarded the bus. Out of the foremost disrespect, even the elderly black people were forced to surrender their seats to younger white children. It was against the law for blacks to sit in the same row as a white person, so if three people were sitting down, and a white person boarded the bus, all three African Americans had to sacrifice their seats so that a white person would not have to "suffer next to a negro" (Freedman). African Americans were required to sit in the back even if there were empty seats remaining in the front. What was the driver supposed to do when someone with a peach complexion entered the bus and saw someone of a brown complexion sitting in "their" seat? Temporary satisfaction in the front for blacks was not granted. Paying was even an intrusive task. When black passengers paid, they were prohibited from passing and whites on the bus, they would have to insert their ten cents into the dispenser, and afterwards walk off of the bus and renter through the back door. Cruel bus drivers would sometimes drive off, robbing them of their money, without any remorse (Freedman). This was the simply a regular occurrence upon public buses, and it was the accepted phenomenon. Surely, bus drivers ran across various African Americans who simply were faced with wrath, when they simply sat in the front of the bus.

The jolliest time of year, a few days before Christmas in 1949, Jo Anna Robinson boarded a near empty bus to visit her relatives in Ohio. "After parking her car in the Alabama State campus garage, she took her armful of Christmas gifts, walked to the nearest bust stop, and waiting for a ride back to the airport. Soon a Montgomery City Lines bus rolled into view and pulled up at the stop" (Freedman). Robinson paid her toll and looked upon the bus to a grand total of two passengers, one a white woman resting in the third row, and a black man sitting somewhere near the back. Clueless, Robinson documents "[taking]the fifth row seat from the front and [sitting] down, immediately closing [her] eyes and envisioning in [her] mind the wonderful two week vacation that [she] would have with [her] family and friends in Ohio" (Freedman). The bus drive stood was finally freed from his stupor and stormed over to Robinson shouting out, "If you can sit in the fifth row from the front seat of the other buses in Montgomery, suppose you get off and ride in one of them! Get up from there!" He had his arm drawn back, threatening to lash his hand against her face (Freedman). Robinson fled the bus crying, she was not accustomed to life in Montgomery, and was blindly unaware of the rudimentary laws the city had in place. As a member of the Women’s Political Council, a congregation of African American teachers, nurses, social workers, and various other leaders who aimed to advance the black community, Jo Ann was elected president in 1950, where she advocated diligently the issue of segregation on buses. The talk of Brown v. Board of Education, caused many members of the council to believe that the unconstitutionality of public schooling applied to transportation as well. The council demanded black bus drivers, closer bus stops, and drivers that were generally more amiable (Freedman). The extended suppression caused Robinson to write to Mayor W.A. "Tacky" Gale, threatening for improved conditions or a boycott. "Mayor Gale, three-quarters of the riders on these public conveyances are Negroes. If Negroes did not patronize them they could not possibly operate. . . There has been talk from twenty-five or more local organizations of planning a city-wide boycott of buses" (Freedman"), she addressed to him. News began to spread rapidly throughout Montgomery of the numerous discrepancies that had risen between African Americans and the white bus drivers, yet in order to initiate a boycott, all African Americans would have to desire to make a change. Jo Ann was having trouble spark this renaissance.

Numerous other altercations ascended similar to that of Jo Ann. Edwina Johnson, the mere age of sixteen attempted to visit her relatives in Montgomery the same year as Robinson. When she sat next to two white people and was instructed to move she refused. Little did she know, the typical customs of the north were not equal to those of the south. Edwina was arrested and threatened by Judge Wiley C. Hill to be sent to reform school. Similarly, Claudette Colvin, a student who attended predominantly black Booker T. Washington High School refused to give up her seat to a pregnant white woman, as the bus was occupied with more people. Consequently, she was charged with assault and battery for restraining from arrest, and solemnly violating the segregation laws. At the hearing, the arresting officer muttered, "she insisted she was colored and just as good as white" (Freedman). E.D. Nixon the founder of the Montgomery Chapter of the National Association of Colored People overheard Colvin’s story and immediately contacted Clifford Durr, a white attorney, who then called Fred Gray, the black lawyer that represented Colvin’s case. E.D. Nixon had realized the same problem within the city of Montgomery that Jo Ann had, the corruption of the democracy. He had been searching for a woman who had been made a victim by the city’s public bus system. However, Colvin didn’t turn out to be the ideal candidate that Nixon felt could spark a movement (Freedman). He kept his eyes peeled, waiting patiently until the ten cents of the perfect contender dropped into the pay box of one of Montgomery’s pitiful public buses.

Rosa Parks had been the secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People since 1943. She earned a position as an advisor to Youth Council where she trained the youth to not submit to segregation. Although Rosa Parks never received her high school diploma, public schools for blacks did not exist. Her parents were able to send her to laboratory school at Alabama State College, where they had a program that trained black women to be teachers (Freedman). Virginia Durr, a white equal rights activists provided Parks with the opportunity to attend Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee, here she was able to attend workshops that promoted integration. Rosa Parks boarded a bus in Montgomery, Alabama and paid her bus fee, however she refused leave the bus and reenter through the back of the bus. The bus driver kept her money, and drove off (Freedman). On the evening of December 1st, 1955, Santa delivered E.D. Nixon’s Christmas present early. Rosa Parks was going home from work and boarded the bus of James P. Blake the exact driver that had demanded she leave his bus. Undoubtedly, tension had not ceased. As a white man boarded the bus, Blake commanded that Rosa and three other African Americans surrender their seats to the man so that the man would not have to sit next to a black person. The people next to Rosa reluctantly stood up, but she was not going to give in. Although rumors surfaced that Parks didn’t budge because she was tired from tailoring, she shared, "I was not tired physically, or no more tired than I usually was at the end of a working day. . . No, the only tired I was, was tired of giving in" (Freedman). Heated, Blake phoned the police and had Rosa Parks arrested. With her one phone call she reached her mom, who consequently called E.D. Nixon to question about the charges. When E.D. Nixon inquired of Rosa’s charges at the police station, that bluntly state, that it was "one of his damn business". E.D. Nixon realized the only way that he could obtain information was through attorney, Clifford Durr. E.D. Nixon and Clifford Durr benevolently posted bail for Parks, and after briefing the status of the case, Nixon was positive that Rosa was the woman that he was searching for.

Hesitation brewed between Rosa’s husband Raymond, and her mother. They were skeptical of what would happen to Parks if she became involved with a case as such. "Oh, the whites will kiss you Rosa", Raymond advised (Freedman). With an abundant argument Rosa persuaded her family that this decision was for the best. Consequently, "the Montgomery Bus Boycott was happening quickly" (Freedman). It was only the beginning.

On the night that Rosa Parks was arrested, Jo Ann Robinson gathered her friends to meet at Alabama State College where they would organize a bus boycott that was coordinated to take place the following Monday. This dynamic group was ready to protest for Rosa. By using a mimeograph the group created 525,000 leaflets which they distrubted secretly to African Americans around the city. The fact that they had used the mimeograph within the college was risky, and if any one found out what they were up to, they would be in serious trouble. This mimeograph was a tax-payer owned piece of equipment (Freedman). But, these women were willing to sacrifice their safety for what would soon turn into freedom. Upon every leaflet, the same message was printed, a message advocating for change. http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/resources/uploads/551202_Womens_Political_Council_leaflet.gif

That Monday morning the buses were empty of black faces. Numerous people were in awe by the turnout. Every African American in the city of Montgomery Alabama had adhered to the plan and boycotted the public buses. Signs were posted around town that urged, "People don’t ride the buses today. Don’t ride it for freedom" (Freedman). White helmeted motorcycle policemen followed the nearly vacant buses down the streets. They felt entitled to protect any African Americans who pondered riding the buses, however there was no one that they would have to protect, as blacks weren’t even considering stepping foot upon those pathetic excuses for public transportation. In lieu of encouraging fellow boycotters to not surrender to the buses, E.D. Nixon called eighteen black taxi owned companies to send taxis down to their town. These taxis conveniently charged 10 cents instead of the usual 45 cents, which was an even greater initiative to press blacks from abstaining from riding the buses. However, Sellers threatened to arrest these drivers within the first week, insisting that they were disobeying laws for lowering the fare (Freedman). Mayor W.A. Gale was bitter to the boycott, but didn’t do much to suppress it. He believed that, "come the first rainy day, the Negroes will be back on the bus," (Freedman). Countless people began to realize that they would have to locate other forms of transportation in place of walking and worst of all, riding the bus in efforts to continue supporting the boycott. Heroically, Martin Luther King Jr. called Reverend T. J. Jemison, who was responsible for a similar bus boycott in Baton Rouge. Inspired by the ideas of Jemison, King construed together a carpool system, in which nearly 150 people insisted on lending their cars for the benefit of the boycott. As time progressed, nearly a total of 300 boycotters were transporting people across Montgomery, demonstrating that they had the power to never give in (Freedman).

Martin Luther King’s methods proved successful, as they helped him lead the boycott for 782 days (Baron).Martin Luther King Jr., grew up in a family of black preachers, although he had just recently moved to Montgomery, he had already gained a job as the minister at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church at the mere age of twenty-six. He had received his doctorate in theology at Boston University. As a newcomer to the Mongtomery Improvement Association (MIA) that helped plan the boycott, King quickly became president and through the inspiration from works of Ghandi was able to motivate African Americans to practice passive resistance. "I had come to see early that the Christian doctrine of love operating through the Gandhian method of nonviolence was one of the most potent weapons available to the Negro in his struggle for freedom" (Freedman), King later wrote. Through organized meetings on Monday and Thursdays in the Holt Street Baptist Church, rallies and addresses to the public would be held. King forced the idea that they would peacefully protest in order to distinguish themselves from the KKK, and White Citizen’s Councils. There would be no cross burnings, hooded Negro mobs, or any sort of threats and intimidation. Reporter Joe Azbell from the Montgomery Advertiser, attended one of the rallies and described how, "[he] went on up to the church, and they made way for [him], because [he] was the first white person there…[he] was two minutes late and they were [already] preaching, and that audience was…on…fire.. The preacher would get up and say, ‘Do you want your freedom?’ and they’d say, ‘Yeah, I want my freedom!’ There was a spirit that no one could capture again…It was so powerful" (Freedman). At these assemblies, King and numerous other preachers would praise certain walkers, such as Mother Pollard, an extremely elderly woman who insisted she would walk before taking the bus. She would often say, "my feets is tired, but my soul is rested" (Freedman). Although many people couldn’t pay for rides, they would donate any amount of money possible to the MIA. In no time, due to its prominence and purpose, the MIA began to receive money from outside sources which allowed the opportunity for the associate to purchase 30 cars that could transport passengers, known as the "rolling churches" (Freedman). In response to their success, the MIA felt that it would be best to meet with white officials in order to lay the blue print for compromise.

The African Americans demanded three things: courteous treatment on the bus, the hiring of black bus drivers, and the ability to have first come first served in the black section, where they would not have to surrender their seats. The bus company attorney Jack Crenshaw retaliated by saying that white bus drivers were already courteous, and it was unacceptable for blacks to tell them who to hire, and ultimately illegal. "If we grant Negroes these demands they would go about boasting of a victory that they had won over the white people, and this we will not stand for." Fred Gray, the attorney for the blacks argued that, "first-come, first-served seating arrangement was already in practice in some other southern cities. The boycotter’s requests "were not designed to integrate the buses, rather they were intended as very reasonable reforms" (Freedman). However, Crenshaw was unaccepting to this statement. With this ruling, Martin Luther King realize the "underlying purpose was to oppress and exploit the segregated, not to simply keep them apart" (Freedman). King realized that while segregation existed, it would be forcibly difficult to achieve equality and justice.

The boycott did not simply cause African Americans to suffer from walking and dealing with their racist counterparts. As the boycott perpetuated on, bus companies began to lose sufficient funds, as their income dropped more than 75 percent (African Americans Boycott Buses in Montgomery). Companies questioned town officials if they were allowed to double their fare to 20 cents, although it was denied, they met at an agreement to raise the fare to 15 cents. The White Citizens Council, a delegation devoted to keeping racial segregation, and Mayor Gale tried to persuade whites to ride buses in order to refinance the money that had been lost. As business was being affected, people started to point fingers. Reverend Robert Graetz, a white pastor of Trinity Lutheran, a black church and a prominent member of the Montgomery Humans Relation Council was constantly accused of helping organize the boycott. Once Rosa Parks was convicted of violating segregation laws and fined ten dollars, Fred Gray appealed the sentence. As people painstakingly waited for the decision of the appeal, the boycott continued to 1956. Major Gale realized the urgency to put an end to the mayhem by joining the White Citizens Council. By January, bus companies were on the edge of bankruptcy. Downtown business had less than half as many customers as they did prior to the boycott. Finally, Gale took charge, stating, "There seems to be a belief on part of the Negroes that they have the white people hemmed up in a corner, and they are not going to give an inch until they can force the white community to submit to their demands—in fact, swallow all of them…There is no need for us to straddle the fence any longer. I am taking a stand and so are the other city commissioners" (Freedman). Laws began to tighten. The belief was that King needed to be discredited, since he was the "ring leader preventing blacks from riding the bus". Officers would stop the cars of black drivers, and question or ticket them for inane matters. On January 26th, Martin Luther King Jr., was arrested for driving 30 miles per hour in a 25 miles per hour zone, to add to the fire, he was transporting three boycotters. Immediately after the news spread around, supporters of the boycott crowded the jail in which King resided, and demanded that they release him (Freedman).

Dismay and violence began to surface in the city as the boycott prolonged. King and his family constantly received threats and phone calls. On January 31st, a homemade bomb was launched through the house of his window, fortunately not harming anyone. Security guards were placed around King’s house for protection. However, two nights later, a stick of dynamite was planted at E.D. Nixon’s house, further proving the distress that the boycott was causing within the city. Whites began to demonstrate they would not tolerate the "disobedience" by blacks. They additionally targeted Jo Ann Robinson, pouring acid over her car, and throwing massive rocks through her windows. During this time dozen of bombings occurred, including one on Robert Graetz’s lawn. Fifty mass meetings had additionally been held and hundreds of people were arrested, especially leaders behind the boycott. When Martin Luther King Jr., was released from jail on bond, it went foreseen that he would not be leaving without being aware of his trial set for March 19th. However, people continued walking, carpooling, and boycotting. In to end segregation once and for all, Fred Gray filed papers in court that challenged its unconstitutionality (Freedman).

At Ralph Abernathy’s church, the evening after King was released from jail, Abernathy organized a day of thanks. All African Americans were expected to walk. "Boycotters, ‘would not turn a key in the switch, nor touch starter, nor take a cab, buy would walk everywhere…so that those who walked would know that others walked with them" (Freedman). This day was supposed to honor the "boycott heroes". City officials were unaware that they were "dealing with Negroes who had been freed from fear" (Freedman). City officials were unaware that this was a war they weren’t going to win.

On March 19th, 1956, the day of King’s hearing, the NAACP sent lawyers for his defense. Many people never doubted the outcome, and other cases were pushed aside due to the importance of this man, and his tactics. King was undoubtedly found guilty and was faced with the option of either paying a 500 dollar fine or serving a year at hard labor. Luckily, King was able to earn a minimum sentence since he had abstained from violence, Judge Eugene Carter ruled. Once Martin Luther King walked out of the courtroom and into the streets of Montgomery, Alabama, he was greeted by masses of people singing aloud, "God bless you, we ain’t gonna ride the buses no more" (Freedman). The NAACP stated hat hey would support King’s appeal, in addition to Fred Gray in his attempt to challenge bus segregation. Countless "influential whites" tried to persuade Gray to surrender the case, however, he was determined to stick with it. His efforts were not in vain, as on June 4th, three white southern judges on the federal court ruled that segregation on the buses was unconstitutional and violated the 14th amendment which guaranteed equal protection under the law. Unsatisfied attorneys within Montgomery and Alabama, aimlessly appealed the decision to the U.S. Supreme Court. Therefore, African Americans continued to walk and boycott until the final ruling was announced. Although they had been walking for 6 months, the boycotters were not tired. Walking had become second nature to them. They were walking for a cause. To force the blacks to back down, segregationists pressed for an injunction on November 13th that would ban the carpool as an unlicensed municipal transportation system.

Significance

Undoubtedly the Civil Rights Movement can be viewed as a milestone for African Americans. After countless years of turmoil these pensive people initiated change. They formed organizations that fought to make a difference. The Montgomery Bus Boycott was one of the numerous occasions within the Civil Rights Movement that helped desegregation within America deteriorate. It veered the nation from one of discriminatory nature to one of inclusionary nature. Within the next decades, "separate but equal" would no longer exist and equal would begin to prevail for African Americans throughout the nation. The integration of African Americans into society soon caused white Americans to gradually accept African Americans in addition to other minorities. Whether they liked it or not, they had to accept the newly desegregated nation. Events such as that of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, "resulted in mounting pressure to pass meaningful civil rights legislation" (Freedman). In 1963, President John F. Kennedy asked Congress to pass a federal law that would end segregation, even after his death, Congress eagerly passed the bill under President Lyndon B. Johnson, entitled the Civil Rights Act of 1964. "This landmark legislation outlawed discrimination in public facilities, such as restaurants, theaters, and hotels, in government, and in employment, and it abolished the Jim Crow Segregation laws in the South" (Freedman). Our nation finally began to make progress towards a true democracy.

The Montgomery Bus Boycott is not blatantly an event that proves that African Americans were drained and fed up with being suppressed. This boycott demonstrates the obstacles that one will face in pursuit of happiness. It displays the sacrifice one has to make for this said happiness in the future. The Montgomery Bus Boycott highlights that people honestly aren’t as spontaneous as we are said to be. We ponder issues for an extended period, and savor and plan the solution until the perfect moment is introduced to implement the fix. The story of the Montgomery Bus Boycott submerges one into the drive and dedication that a group of people can have for matters that they deeply have faith in in. The Montgomery Bus Boycott proves the true meaning of never surrendering before you see results. Any person with an idea can easily gain a menacing amount of followers to support them, if they simply push for the cause, if they simply walk with the cause until their feet go numb.

What If?

What if the white citizens of Montgomery found satisfaction in the fact that African Americans no longer wanted to ride the bus? The boycott would have been in vain. African Americans would to this day, be going to work, to school, to anywhere, on their feet or by using carpools. They would still be suppressed and segregated in all aspects of interacting with their white counterparts. There would have to be another courageous public figure that advocated change before the segregation of our nation began to unfurl. Alabama would remain divided for a while longer. The Civil Rights Movement would have taken a hiatus, and one of the many precedents for civil rights would have ceased to exist.

What if black drivers were required to operate all buses within Alabama? Would the same discrimination exist? Would there be racism towards people who were not African American? This could perhaps spark a greater resentment of African Americans by white people. In this bitter time period, would the blacks be accused of being snooty? Or would they be mocked for being bus drivers? What type of atrocious stories would develop in the news about bus drivers being bullied and demoralized? Is it possible that African American bus drivers would have tried to dictate where each race could sit upon the bus? Would this further stem the KKK to revolt against people of African descent? However, what if the same rules were in place? What if blacks still had to give up their seats, regardless of the bus driver being black? How would that case hold over in court? How would the NAACP and its advocates feel suing someone of their race for discrimination? Or would this not matter? Would Rosa Parks, E.D. Nixon, and Martin Luther King Jr., only care about implementing change and not who was supporting the corrupt system that they were living in? Would they feel the black bus drivers were weak, for supporting these laws, or would they believe they were just trying to remain alive? Would a black bus drive really have made matters any different?

What if African Americans decided to retaliate against the segregation of buses with violence? They would have to work extremely diligently for an extended period of time in order to gain sufficient funds to purchase weapons. Knifes, guns, bombs, all of these malicious tools would have been bought to aimlessly kill people who stifled them. Perhaps the blacks would have thought this was the only way to cure the problem, and blood would be shed. Undoubtedly another race riot would elicit, adeptly titled the Montgomery Race Riot. People would take sides. Killing for their family, for their kind. This would spread rapidly on the news, and Dwight D. Eisenhower would have to get involved. The man who solemnly turned his cheek on race relations would no longer be able practice this same method. Would he take a side? Would he solve the problem by calling forth troops to suppress the violence? A long and drastic war would develop within the city, perhaps spreading to other areas. Virginia would get involved, then Mississippi, then Tennessee. It could have turned into a nationwide altercation. After the war ended would problems be solved? Would segregation cease to exist? Would there be less resentment between people of opposite races, or more? Would whites realize the horror of segregation, or feel that it had been rightfully implemented? Could they had decided to throw African Americans in concentration camp for the violent outbreak they had "caused"? Would they have relocated them into reservations, further segregated than before and limit them from traveling to other areas? Would they have this much power to do so? Would they have this much hate in their hearts? Could violence have solved the problem just as a peaceful boycott did or would it have just added to the problem? It is a delightful realization that we will never have to find out.

Summary

What began as a semester event on the desegregation of school buses miraculously transfigured into a semester event on the Montgomery Bus Boycott. A week after I checked out The Illustrated History of Trucks and Buses: From 1879 to the Present Day, Rosa Parks: My Story, and Freedom Walkers: The Story of the Montgomery Bus Boycott from the library, I decided that it would perhaps be a wise decision to start reading them. I flipped through the pages of The Illustrated History of Trucks and Buses, documenting anything that could be useful in my essay, which turned out to be a grand total of one sentence. I then opened up Freedom Walkers. Evidently, due to the books that I checked out from the library one can realize that I had little knowledge on the topic of desegregated school buses. What did Rosa Parks have to do with this subject, and don’t even get me started on the connection between the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the two Blame it on my 4 AP classes and overwhelming extracurricular activities for leaving me exasperated and exhausted day in and day out, and preventing my frontal lobe from catching this discrepancy. Consequently, I whipped through Freedom Walkers, reading word by word, and not realizing until the end of the 89 pages, that a school bus had not been mentioned once. Public buses, yes, but they aren’ the same thing. Then I realized the speed at which I read the book, it had to be of some interest if I was able to complete it in the time that had elapsed,. There, that’s when a report was born on the Montgomery Bus Boycott. The material within the book was well written and captivating, the passion that these people had for their boycott was exhilarating. That’s all it took.

Information that I cultured by researching the Montgomery Bus Boycott, was that Rosa Parks did not refuse to give up her seat on a school bus. I learned that Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr., were alive during the same time, a fact that I was exceptionally blind to. After my research, I had knowledge of the entirety of a new subject I had never been introduced to. No one had ever told me that the movement that Rosa Parks was titled the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Prior I had believed that Parks refused to move from a seat on the bus, was arrested, and by the wave of a magic wand segregation was ended. I was young and naïve, and had never gone in depth into what had happened, and additionally was never taught in depth what had happened. Simply by checking out the wrong books in the library, I was introduced to a brand new spectrum of knowledge about the Civil Rights Movement that has left a lasting footprint on my mind of the true meaning of passion and perseverance.

Book Review

Freedom Walkers: The Story of the Montgomery Bus Boycott by Russell Freedman is a marvelous and efficient reference for one who is attempting to educate themselves on the Montgomery Bus Boycott. The inclusion of words a size 14 font, and elevated yet easily understood vocabulary, makes flipping through the pages become second nature to the reader. The book is enhanced with pictures throughout to provide for a more personal read that enables the reader to connect to people and events that the book is outlining and depicting. The direct quotes from the people involved in the Montgomery Bus Boycott augment to the credibility of the book, proving that it is not simply pages slapped together by a man who has no background knowledge on the topic. The length of Freedom Walkers nears a total of 90 pages, which is enough pages of information for the reader to not be overwhelmed, and additionally feel as if they have broadened their knowledge on the topic, and able to consequently produce a proficient summary and reflection of the events of the book. With all these qualities combined into one, Freedom Walkers: The Story of the Montgomery Bus Boycott proves to be a reliable book for research, and ultimately a book that would benefit future APUSHers who are aiming to write a paper on the Montgomery Bus Boycott.

Works Cited

Baron, Robert C., and Samuel Scinta. "1950-1960 Peace and Prosperity: 1955-1956 Bus

Boycott, Montgomery, Alabama." Millennium 2000 -- 20Th Century America: Key

Events In History (1996): 72-74. History Reference Center. Web. 9 Apr. 2013.

Miller, Denis. "Buses." The Illustrated History of Trucks and Buses: From 1879 to the Present

Day. London: Quarto Limited, 1982. 22-23. Print.

"African Americans Boycott Buses In Montgomery." Great Events. 661. US:

Salem Press, 1999. History Reference Center. Web. 9 Apr. 2013.

Wynn, Linda T. "Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955-1956)." Freedom Facts & Firsts: 400 Years

Of The African American Civil Rights Experience (2009): 51-53. History Reference

Center. Web. 7 Apr. 2013.