The Sociological Subject Area Of Deviance

Published Date: 02 Nov 2017

"There is no such thing as ‘deviance’, only the vested interests and the beliefs of the powerful" (Sumner, 1994, p. 302).

Deviance cannot occur without codes of acceptable behaviour, whether they are formal or informal. His work however, can be criticised as his theoretical interpretation looks at social deviance as an object of enquiry rather than a lived individual experience (Blackshaw & Crabbe, 2004). In reality, consequences of deviant behaviour occur and individuals are confronted with this. Eitzen (1981) defines deviance as (1) violates the rules of the game; (2) offends the universal values of sportsmanship and fair play; and (3) illegitimately brings harm to persons or property (violence). Deviance is identified as violation of normal behaviour and it is a social process which our society creates. There are many different forms of what could be constituted as deviance in the sporting world, and some of these will be discussed throughout this paper.

Violence in Sport

The most popular sports in many cultures actually encourage aggression from the athletes. Many sports in society today involve the type of violence that is socially sanctioned (Waddington, 2000) and this is shown in the violently aggressive body contact that is displayed in sports. Terry and Jackson (1985) state that, a large socialisation process is the major influencing factor that contributes to sports violence. However psychological, moral, and situational factors also play a noteworthy role. Violence is an integral part of some sports and excessive violence is actually encouraged and met with little or no consequence. The socialisation process of reinforcement of these violent behaviours in sport needs to be addressed. It has been stated that the reinforcement structure of sport needs to be such that rule violations should result in significant punishments and have a larger deterrent value to stop the violence (Terry & Jackson, 1985). The deterrent should outweigh any potential advantages of the violent behaviour. However the responsibility of stopping violence in sport should be the responsibility of the individual athlete.

The sporting environment provides an arena in which acts of violence and confrontation are permitted in a ritualised fashion, and given meaning through their association with the hegemonic masculine ideals of toughness, heroism and sacrifice (Crabbe, 2000). Aggression and violence is linked to sport and the sporting arena is a place in which physical strength and courage, as traditionally dominant masculine behaviours can be shown. It is the idea that ‘real men’ play sports in this confrontational manner (Young, White & McTeer, 1994). Sport provides the most widely available arena for the display of legitimate masculine aggressive behaviours. Hegemonic standards are seen to be nowhere more socially obvious than in the culture of ice hockey (Colburn, 1985; Robidoux, 2001 cited in Atkinson & Young, 2008). In this sport, masculinity in its hegemonic form is culturally respected and commercially showcased. In Messner’s (1990) article he writes about American football as this sport may be seen as one of the most violent sports in American society. Its culture has similarities to warfare and it requires pain and self-sacrifice to be part of it. Research has also been done on basketball, football and boxing which has also demonstrated how the major cause of player violence is largely due to subcultural constructions of masculinity (Dunning, 1999).

It could be seen that violent sport promotes the idea that men are superior to women. Messner’s (1990) article explores violence, sport, and the contemporary gender order and he has found within his research that violent sports have become a spectacle which portrays the projection that men are dominant over women. These sports men are cultural symbols and are trying to preserve a hierarchy of dominance and oppression in gender order. Messner points out that a number of feminist analysts have suggested that one of the main components of the rise of the male body as superior, is in fact the use of violence. Also Brownmiller (1975, cited in Messner, 1990) suggests that overall, men’s control of women lies on violence. Females have often fought a losing battle for gender equality and have struggled to gain an equal position in the sporting world. This is particularly the case within sports that are deemed to have an aggressive/violent nature. Power sports seem to be a celebration of masculinity and a way to prove strength, a trait which is often associated with the male body. It can now be seen that women are increasingly taking part in what is seen as typically male defined sports such as rugby and boxing. The UFC recently took a historic move forward by staging their first female fight. By incorporating female fighters the UFC is supporting the role of women in sports (Schwartz, 2013). The women’s fight however is seen to be more calculating and strategic than their male counterparts, which still promotes the idea that men are superior through the use of violence.

Various forms of violence reach people through the mass media. Through sports the media carries social messages, which also includes messages about violence. The media portrays messages that serve to either legitimise or condone the behaviours. Violent behaviour can often be sensationalised and conveyed as being acceptable, even a thing to be admired, for example, a knock out hit in boxing will be praised. Media has a role in stabilising gender order as it frames violent sports as a public spectacle, supporting hegemonic masculinity. The strong symbolic relationship between sport and the media often suggests that they are one (Jarvie, 2006). Additionally men’s sports are still the most dominant in the media and in commercial value (Dworkin & Messner, 2001). When women are violent in sport it is seen as a commitment of skill, it is not linked with femininity. Therefore, an important point to consider is that if violence and dominant masculine behaviours continue to be portrayed in the media this way, it will continue in our society. However it cannot be assumed that media coverage affects the audiences in the same way. Messages that come through the media can be read in different ways linked to factors such as culture, gender and social class (Young, 2006). For example, among men from low-income backgrounds, violence may be a way to gain respect.

Performance Enhancing Drugs

Participation in sports may encourage the use of drugs that enhance athletic performance. Attempts to control the misuse of substances in sport began around the nineteen fifties (Mottram, 2011). However it wasn’t until the formation of the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) at the beginning of the twenty-first century, that legislation and testing procedures were put in place. Former Olympic gold medallist and chairman of the London Organising Committee for the Olympic Games, Sebastian Coe previously stated that,

"We consider this (doping) to be the most shameful abuse of the Olympic ideal; we call for the life ban of offending athletes; we call for the life ban of coaches and the so called doctors who administer this evil" (1986, cited in Donohoe & Johnson, 1986).

Coe’s reference to the use of drugs as ‘evil’ shows the strength of the feelings which the issue of drug use in sport often provokes and there is a demand for heavy punishments. A survey aiming to shed light on the use of drugs in British sport was carried out by The Independent newspaper (Harris, 1998). The newspaper sent out questionnaires which included questions about the use of drugs by the athlete and by other British athletes in their sport. The results include the views of elite competitors across nine different sports.

The results show that drug use is believed to be and could be widely used amongst elite sports competitors. The governing bodies of cycling and rowing declined the invitation to take part in this survey. Could this be due to the notion that they know doping is widely administered and they want to hide it? For example, let’s take the case of Lance Armstrong who has now publicly confessed that he used banned performance-enhancing substances during his cycling career, and all seven Tour de France wins. Armstrong worked with Ferrari (his trainer who was later convicted for sporting fraud and abuse of the medical profession) who is reported to have been seen by numerous eyewitness accounts, injecting Armstrong with EPO various occasions (Weislo, 2011). Armstrong avoided detection throughout his career but was eventually forced to confess after overwhelming witness testimony. The statistical margin of error in his blood tests saved him from the fate of other disgraced champions whose results were more definitively identified (Kasdan, 2013). So was he (and his team) just better at doping than everyone else and better at hiding it? Armstrong cheated at his game and has done damage to the cycling world around him, bringing doping in sport to the forefront. The development of performance enhancing drugs is moving faster than the tests to detect them can be developed. This shows that need to get ahead in sport is sought out by any means, even if it means using drugs that may not be safe.

International media companies and multi-national corporations provide sponsorship to athletes on a global scale. This process of globalisation has made it increasingly difficult to understand the methods of drug use in elite sport. This is because it is now very difficult to simply look at processes which might be considered internal to that country (Waddington & Smith, 2009). The power of globalisation means that when athletes in one part of the world secure the benefit of performance improving technology, techniques or support, it is quickly spread to other parts of the sporting world (Stewart & Smith, 2008). Athletes now operate in a sporting culture that essentially supports the use of a growing number of backup staff and the increasing medical profession. With the medical profession developing, banned substances and techniques have also developed with medical advances and research. This profession assist athletes with the use of medical treatments and substances to boost and sustain performance. It seems that because of the competitive nature of sport and athletes nature to over-conform, finding new ways to get ahead has resulted in elite performance becoming medicalised and funded according to gold medal potential.

A research project carried out by Mugford, Mugford, and Donnelly (1999), reported on the motivations that elite athletes hold for using performance enhancing drugs. They concluded that it was in fact commercialisation that had tempted athletes to take the drugs, particularly at the elite level. They also concluded that even though most athletes viewed using drugs as cheating, because of pressure to win they still used them. The growth in sports sponsorship in recent years and, the huge growth in incomes and prize money for successful athletes could be the motivation for using these drugs. The increase of commercial interests in sport has added another pressure on athletes to perform to maintain their sponsorships and to secure as much wealth as possible during their brief career life span. So it seems that the rewards for winning, out weight the costs of taking drugs for some athletes. This hyper-commercialised sporting world drives elite athletes to do whatever it takes to win at all costs. However Stewart and Smith (2008) believe that the research considering contextual factors (shown in Figure 1) has been insufficient. Other research suggests that athletes are rational decision makers and their commercial, cultural, and social situations have not been taken into account. It is a complex problem and the aspects that affect athlete beliefs and decision making are shown in the model below.

This model shows that there are many factors influencing an athletes’ decision to use drugs or not and it highlights the fact that disciplinary rules and regulations are only one of a number of factors. Any of these aspects can lead to this deviant behaviour of using performance enhancing drugs being adopted. Savulescu, Foddy and Clayton (2004) have another view about why we should allow performance enhancing drugs in sport. Our attempts to eliminate drugs from sport has so far failed and they state that legalisation of drugs in sport may be a fairer and safer way to carry on. It is true that nature is not fair, for example some swimmers have big feet which is a big benefit in swimming. This is an advantage that you either have genetically or you don’t. It is a question then that if everyone would be allowed to take performance enhancing drugs, would it level the playing field? Savulescu, Foddy and Clayton (2004) state that by allowing performance enhancement, equality is promoted as the effects of genetic inequality are removed. However this is a dangerous thought as what is accepted in sports may be considered deviant in other spheres of society. Sport often mirrors society and vice versa so if drug taking is accepted in sport it could also lead to the acceptance in wider society, which could prove to be unruly.

Using Sport to Combat Deviant Behaviour in Society

Organised modern sport exists because of the Victorian’s attempts to shape and influence attitudes within the society of that era (Crabbe, 2000). The concept of ‘Muscular Christianity’ was used to promote good health. It was also later used to shape a healthy, moral, and orderly workforce in which sport played a major role of shaping social values and behaviour (Holt, 1989). Our government in the UK today has developed sporting opportunities for young people (DCMS, 2002; DCMS, 2012). This is to help them gather a sense of value to society and to also tackle problems such as crime and drug use. These policy initiatives have been designed to tackle social problems of this kind and are based on the assumption that sport can make a substantial contribution to combatting these issues. Social intervention strategies have traditionally been put together within a functionalist socialisation model and the notion that playing sports builds character (Crabbe, 2000). These interventions take on a social control function and try to give young people a sense of purpose. However there is very little evidence that shows sports programmes are effective in reducing deviant behaviours. Robins (1990) reviewed eleven crime prevention schemes and did not find any evidence of the intended outcomes. Also Coalter (1996) was unable to find a correlation between sports participation and lowered levels of delinquent behaviour in the UK. So whether such interventions actually work is still under question, but it is hoped that the sense of value obtained through sport would steer youngsters away from other deviant behaviours. Participation in sport is worth pursuing because it develops personal values and moral codes that deter deviant behaviours.

To conclude sport is a reflection of society. If there are problems in society, then sports grounds will not just be a means of escape but also an occasional battleground (Eitzen, 1981). If there is violence in society, then sport will also be troubled with violence. If politicians seek success by any means then this will also happen in sport, whether it is using a legal or illegal method. Unfair competition in sport needs to be addressed but this cannot happen without first addressing issues within wider society.