Superstitions Superstitious Beliefs And Their Effect Theology Religion Essay

Published Date: 23 Mar 2015

Superstitious beliefs have probably been present among us since the beginning of time and have been passed on through the centuries, culturally shared and transmitted from generation to generation. Superstitious rituals or activities are thought to have a positive or negative impact on the events of one's life, hence, influencing people's behaviour in various ways effecting both one's psychological and social state. Superstitious behaviours have been used to reduce anxiety, build confidence, and cope with uncertainty, giving the illusion of control over reinforcement in an uncontrollable situation (Neil, 1980; Matute, 1994). The purpose of this study was to obtain data about the topic of superstition, superstitious beliefs and their effect on young people. The study examined the belief and interest of Maltese young people in superstition and the impact superstition has on their lives. The study explored interalia whether participants perceive happenings and success and/or failure as being of their own making rather than that of fate/pre-destiny, fortune/misfortune, hexes, curses, the evil eye and so forth. A qualitative research was carried out using one to one (topic guided) interviews that were conducted with superstitious young people. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling - that is, on the basis of their interest and belief in superstition. Key informants knowledgeable on the subject (who form part of my social network) were interviewed and assisted the process of "snowballing" other research participants. In relation to the above results show that;

Maltese youth perceive success and/or failure as being of their own making rather than that of other external forces.

the level of superstitious beliefs makes a difference in the way a young person would make attributions to positive and/or negative happenings.

Key Words: Superstitious beliefs, youth, attitude behaviour relation, self-efficacy, locus of control, performance.

BA (Hons) - Youth and Community Studies

April 2013

Table Of Contents

Abstract 1

Table Of Contents 2

1.1 Aims of Study and Research Agenda 2

1.2 Why Superstition and Young People? 3

1.3 Dissertation Outline 5

Chapter 2: Literature review 6

2.1 Introduction  6

2.2 Maltese Superstitions 12

2.21 Popular Traditions, Beliefs, and Superstitions 15

2.3 Superstition and Religion 24

2.4 Illusion of Control 28

Chapter 1: General Introduction

1.1 Aims of Study and Research Agenda

The aim of this research was to investigate Maltese young people's belief and interest in superstition, and to discover why and how superstitious beliefs affect young people's attitudes and actions in their everyday lives. For this purpose, a qualitative research based on one to one topic guided interviews was conducted. This research also brings together and reviews previously conducted studies and already published data from books, articles, journals and electronic sites, related to superstition, youth and their beliefs, interest and involvement in superstition, and the relationship between superstitious beliefs and self-esteem, self-efficacy, locus of control and performance. This study also investigated the role of superstition in society, analysing the influence that different beliefs passed on from generation to generation have left in our community. By delving deeper into the subject, I explored the intensity of young peoples' reliance in superstition vis-a-vie their discernment towards personal positive or negative experiences, and whether these happenings are recognised and accredited as being of their own making or of other external forces.

1.2 Why Superstition and Young People?

When I was a child I remember visiting my paternal grandparents in Valletta, we used to go see them every Sunday after the 10am mass and stay there for lunch sometimes. Although nanna and nannu lived in an old building and I didn't like the place much, I loved spending time with them because they were both kind hearted and very loving. As you walked in you could not miss the two cattle horns stuck to the ceiling which seemed to look at you no matter where you were standing in the room, the statue of the Virgin Mary with rosary beads and a candle which was kept lit at all times right past the door, and also the statue of Ġesu' Redentur which was further down the hall way. I remember nanna Franġiska always wearing the same necklace with a cross, a horn, and a pendant of St. Anthony which is now mine, a memory I treasure of my nanna and something I always keep with me in my purse. Nanna also wore a bracelet with all sorts of lucky charms including an eye, a horn, a horse shoe, a key, a clover, and some kind of fish among other objects. Because we were the first to arrive I had the chance to sit next to nannu in the kitchen and listen to the stories about his time of service in the navy while helping him prepare lunch under nanna's vigilant supervision. Nannu Nenu was a great cook and sometimes enjoyed a glass of wine and background music while preparing and cooking supper. I was always happy to help nannu out because he would never make any fuss if I had to drop or spill something, however, nanna was always concerned about the salt and the wine, in fact, if it was the case she would come running and tell me to quickly throw some of the salt over my shoulders, and if nannu would spill the wine he would have to dab some of it over his head. I never quite understood the meaning of this, but as I grew older I found myself repeating these kinds of rituals every time the occasion arose. There were other habits nanna had or even rituals she would perform in certain circumstances, such as making the sign of the cross quickly followed by that of the horn when mentioning a particular neighbour of theirs. She also used to always choose the same numbers for lotto.

My father was also a great influence on me. Like his mother he was greatly devoted to Ġesu' Redentur and always played the same numbers for lotto, and like his father he also was an excellent cook. I have vivid memories of him in the kitchen while experimenting with new flavours and sauces. He also enjoyed a glass or wine while cooking, and repeated the same rituals nannu did when spilling wine or salt. Since his food always tasted and smelled so good sometimes I used to go and try to have a little taste from the pot when nobody was watching. Usually I also would have a second serving and at times eat the food directly from the pot or pan. In reference to this my father used to tell me that those who eat directly from the pot would remain unmarried - "Jekk tiekol mill-borma ma tiżżewwiġx", perhaps this is the reason why I am still not married. I also remember my father scolding me for putting new shoes (which I would have just purchased and still in the shopping bag) on the table, as they would bring bad luck. My sister and I were also never allowed to buy a gold fish or to have an aquarium, because he believed that keeping an aquarium at home would bring death to our family.

These and other forms of rituals became quite habitual to me and even if I know that probably nothing wrong will happen if I don't follow my father and grand parents' traditions, I often find myself repeating their behaviour, sometimes without even thinking about it, and sometimes just in case. Because superstition was part of my upbringing and very present especially during my adolescent phase, I have always been fascinated about its origin and drawn towards exploring and understanding the topic of superstition and other factors related to it more in depth. I would like to discover if and why superstition is significant in young people's lives and how superstition and related topics influence their behaviour and everyday life.

1.3 Dissertation Outline

In the first chapter I gave a general overview of what the study is about, my position about the subject chosen and the interest it incites in me, outlining the purpose of this study. As well as the preparation for the formation of the research questions, locating participants, conducting interviews and the analysis of the results, this dissertation required a considerable amount of time spent at the University library and Melitensia, scanning through various books, thesis, journals, articles and other relevant material, searching for the appropriate data and gathering the suitable information related to my research subject.

Chapter 2 of this dissertation starts with an introduction on superstition; its origins and foundations, as well as its effects and development through the years. An emphasis was made on Maltese superstitions, popular traditions and custom beliefs passed on from one generation to the other. The topics of religion and illusion of control and their relevance to superstition were also addressed in this chapter.

Chapter 3 gives a detailed account of the methodology design of this study, the reasons for implementing a qualitative phenomenological approach, the nature of the sample, and the procedures undertaken to analyse the collected data.

Chapter 4 provides a detailed description of the findings of my research. This is where the major themes and related topics are explained further and examined, linking the results of this study to literature.

Finally, the last chapter provides a conclusion outlining the major findings, the limitations of this study as well as its usefulness, followed by recommendations for future research.

Chapter 2: Literature review

2.1 Introduction 

The word superstition derives from the Latin words super and stitio which when put together reveal the meaning of 'standing still over' or 'one who stands in awe' (Subramuniyaswami, 2002). Latin speakers made use of the word supersitio to refer to things that were greater than usual or beyond normality (Steiner, 1999). Dictionaries commonly define superstition as a belief or practice which is based on irrationality, or as a fear of the unknown, and different fields including popular psychology (Shermer, 1998; Vyse, 2000; Wheen, 2005), abnormal psychology (Devenport, 1979; Brugger, Dowdy, & Graves, 1994; Shaner, 1999; Nayha, 2002), philosophy (Scheibe & Sarbin 1965), and medicine (Hira, Fukui, Endoh, Rahman, & Maekawa, 1998; Diamond, 2001), have commonly described superstitions as irrational mistakes in cognition. However, further studies have suggested various additional approaches that characterise this concept.

Superstitious beliefs, magical thinking and other paranormal activities have existed in a variety of cultures since the beginning of times (Jahoda, 1969), and can be divided into three types: religious, cultural, or personal. The word superstition is quite ambiguous and can only be used subjectively. While for a Roman Catholic, the belief in reincarnation may be considered as superstitious, for an Atheist all religions are a form of superstition.

According to "American Folklore: An Encyclopedia", anthropologists refer to superstitions as a folk belief, popular belief, or folk science. They consider superstitious beliefs to be a gathering of cultural traditions developed in pre-scientific societies used to keep doubts and uncertainties about the future under control (Brunvand, 1996). Superstitions were also generated to deal with misfortunate incidents, creating the power and possibility of controlling things and events in life that one was otherwise unable to explain, manage or control. Shermer (1998), contends that superstitions are a product of adaptation to a general 'belief engine' which has developed to moderate anxiety and to allow people create causal associations; with those endorsing behaviour-related superstitions conditioning other people to follow their paths by proving them with reinforcing emotional reactions when behaving accordingly, leading them to link those positive feelings to the superstitious behaviour (Tinbergen, 1963; West, Griffin, & Gardner, 2007).

Superstitious rituals or beliefs are generally invoked either to keep away bad luck, or to bring about good luck, and even if a lot of superstitions have cultural and social connotations and are passed on from one generation to another, others comprise more peculiar beliefs or rituals. Various research has been done to shed light upon the foundation and function of such beliefs (Frazer, 1922; Jahoda, 1969; Vyse, 1997), identifying several factors that are linked to superstition and magical beliefs, such as motivation, personality traits, and cognition, as well as emotional instability, demographics, and social influences (Vyse, 1997; Zusne & Jones, 1989).

Gustav Jahoda, the author of "The Psychology of Superstition" proposes various characteristics that surround the word superstition. He points out the importance of temporal and spatial relativity and gives examples of how in ancient times it was common to believe in things such as fairies and witches, and therefore to attribute unexplainable matters to supernatural forces. He also mentions people's unjustified emotions, thinking and ignorance, which can be very subjective as they depend on the individual. Jahoda finally defines superstition as: 'every belief or action that a rational man of the present from the west culture considers as superstitious' (Jahoda, 1969, p. 48).

Peterson (1978) possibly gives a more understandable view, as he explains different types of superstition which include:

Belief in unspecific bad consequences; like for example - spilling salt or opening an umbrella indoors.

Belief in unspecific good consequences; like for example - catching falling leaves, or finding a horseshoe.

Engaging in protective rituals; like for example - crossing fingers, or touching wood.

Belief in specific consequences; like for example - right-handed itch foretells money is coming in, itchy left palm means that money is going out.

By some authors, superstitions have also been defined as attitudes depending on affective, cognitive, and behavioural aspects (Saenko, 2005). The affective aspect involves different emotions related to superstitious matters such as fear, joy, anger, etc. The cognitive aspect would include knowledge, classification, anticipation of consequences, and also the planning of one's actions. The behavioural aspect would comprise the various rituals and other symbolic acts, such as spells or curses, carried out by people for protection against misfortune or to realise that what is wished for. Additionally to this, each superstition has its particular object that is linked to a specific happening and its consequences, and a feeling that results from these consequences which is automatically associated to the particular object or act that are connected with that object. For example, a black cat (object) crosses your path on your way home and when you arrive you find out that you've been robbed (happening); this gives rise to a mixture of negative emotions including anger, fear and despair (feeling, which is then associated with the object). Žeželj, Pavlović, Vladisavljević, and Radivojević (2009), also states that 'when a person who has adopted a certain superstitious belief faces a concrete object of superstition, it automatically triggers associated evaluations, driving a person to feel and behave accordingly' (p. 143,144).

Albeit the perceptible relation between attitudes and superstitions, one cannot associate superstitions solely to attitudes, for the reason that while superstitions are usually based on irrational groundless thinking and the actions correlated to them are rather specific and fixed, in attitudes this is not always the case (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2005). Prišlin (1991) also presents opposing conclusions; while proposing that one can depend on attitudes for a very reliable prediction of behaviour, he also suggests that attitudes do not have a predictable value. This contradiction arises for the reason that individual behaviours carried out in a particular context are influenced both by general attitudes as well as by an extensive series of moderating variables (Ajzen, 1982).

Recent research indicates that despite the progress or advance made in different societies, superstitious beliefs remain prevalent in different cultures and communities around the globe (Newport & Strausberg, 2001). Some survey studies report a high degree of belief, interest and involvement in superstition (Gallup & Newport, 1991; Ross & Joshi, 1992); people still seem to want to rely on mythical beliefs to understand happenings and to control their surroundings, even though their different religious beliefs, socioeconomic or educational status.

Although superstitions can be resultant of an observational learning process (learned behaviours), they can also originate by chance, for example, if a person uses a particular pen for an exam were he/she does particularly well, the individual may continue to use the same pen for other exams in the belief that the pen was responsible for the positive outcome (Codrington, 2006). According to B.F. Skinner, this is described by means of 'operant conditioning' - the perception that positive or negative reinforcements determine behaviour. Skinner concluded that people's actions are reinforced by positive repercussions, encouraging the recurrence of certain rituals or repeated behaviours hopefully leading to other positive results (Skinner, 1948). In the same way, superstition is formed when people trust that a specific behaviour will bring about a specific result even if there is no actual link between the two (Vyse, 1997).

A further process by which people may become superstitious it that of the self-fulfilling prophecy. The thought and fear that bad things will happen add anxiety and apprehension, giving rise to confusion, uncertainties and panic, leading the individual to perform poorly and faultily. Peoples' selective attention on particular days such as Friday the 13th makes individuals more alert and sensitive to the things that are happening around them than on any other day, with the conclusion that people might think and believe bad things are happening only on that specific day.

While some superstitions are widespread all over the globe and common to many countries (such as, keeping fingers crossed or knocking on wood for good luck, or 7 years of bad luck for breaking a mirror), one can clearly observe that some superstitions are specific to particular cultures. For example, because the number 8 is considered to be lucky for the Chinese, the Bank of China was opened on what is considered to be the luckiest day of the century, that is on 8/8/88 (Lip, 1992), and because the number 4 is considered to be unlucky, many of the buildings in China do not have a fourth floor (Wiseman & Watt, 2004). Other Chinese superstitions involve the colour red for good luck and putting up mirrors in houses to ward off bad luck (Simmons & Schindler, 2003), while Indians believe that looking into somebody else's mirrors could trap part of your soul in their house, giving power to the owner of the mirror to manipulate and control your soul (Oman, 2005). In Ireland, as well as India, people believe that the devil lingers in houses that are no longer lived in and therefore break windowpanes for the devil to get out. People practicing Hinduism do not work during Rahu Kalam, which is a certain part of the day considered to be unfavourable in the Hindu Almanac (DuBois & Beauchamp, 2007). The fishermen of New Guinea also adhere to certain beliefs and engage into complex magical rituals for a guaranteed successful fishing trip (Malinowski, 1954), and Russian maidens put handmade green-leaf garlands into water to see whether they will live to get married; should the garland float, or die unmarried in a short time; should the garland sink (The Theosophical Movement, 2009).

Like in other countries superstition has a rather significant position in the Maltese society as it is portrayed in our culture strongly influenced by supernatural beliefs, rituals, symbols, stories and traditions still carried out by many to this day. Although the pagan influences embodied in our culture and society (Cassar, 1996; Zarb, 1998) research indubitably shows the strong relationship between superstition and religion depicting tendencies towards a superstitious religiosity in Maltese Catholics (Darmanin, 1999b). External locus of control has also been associated with higher degrees of superstition while internal locus of control creates this sense of power and control over positive and/or negative happenings, this illusion of control (Vyse, 1997).

Hence, following is a more detailed and intense exploration of the relevance and association of these topics in relation to superstition, also outlining their impact and position within the Maltese culture.

2.2 Maltese Superstitions

According to Dr Alfred Darmanin, 'some cultures are more prone to superstition than others', and in his personal opinion, the 'Maltese belong to that category' (Darmanin, 2006, p.14). In Malta, beliefs in superstition go back to the 14th and 16th centuries. Sean O'Suillaebhain writes that fairy tales and superstitions were probably the only source to be gathered by word of mouth (Cassar-Pullicino, 1992). It is probable that various Maltese proverbs, traditions, and superstitions were mostly introduced by the many different rulers that have governed this island. In 1653, Inquisitor Federico Borromeo (iuniore) reported that Sicani [1] slaves wandered around Valletta disseminating all kinds of superstitions, lucky charms, and magic potions among the urban population (Bonnici, 1966).

In those days, the Maltese put their faith in superstitions for many things. There was no science to explain certain phenomena and people had no concept of medical remedies as yet, therefore, they relied on rituals and mythical beliefs to look after health issues making up explanations from what they believed in. Frequently Maltese people turned to superstitions to manage their fears and to keep away from danger, however, they also applied superstition when trying to find their romantic partner; creating magic potions, following rituals and keeping talismans for this purpose (Cassar, 1996; World Trade Press, 1993).

The design of some of the baroque churches found in Malta is also partly influenced by superstition. In old times it was believed that at midnight the devil roams around the streets looking for souls. To confuse the devil and stop him from carrying out his malicious conducts, two clocks were put one on each side of the two towers of these churches. One of the two clocks would show the correct time while the other one would have a painted clock face showing the witching hour, that is, 5 minutes before midnight (Sheehan, 2000).

But are superstitions something of the past, or are they still present in Maltese culture today? Carmel Cassar, among other authors, maintains that despite the distant times of many centuries and the official banning of rituals and other forms of magic, some superstitions and practices linked to healing and the use of charms against bad luck and the evil eye are still present among the Maltese today (Cassar, 2002). Saliba (2011), sustains that a study carried out by Schembri in 2006 reported 12.7% of the Maltese citizens to be superstitious. He also mentions another study conducted in 2003 at the University of Malta with results showing that 13.1% of the students believe in horoscopes and 14.7% believe in fortune-telling, Saliba claims that these figures changed drastically to 5% and 3.1% respectively, when the study was repeated in 2008.

Rountree, (2010) writes about the people she met when in Malta recalling a particular woman in their village which was known to be a healer, fortuneteller, or psychic able to offer personalised charms or spells to those in need, some of whom had acquired these services themselves. She speaks about a Maltese woman who had gone to a witch for a spell, to stop her daughter from leaving Malta and marrying a foreigner, to her content, this spell was successful, as her daughter did not move abroad. Even though the use of such practice might not be as popular as it was 50 years ago, similar stories are still commonly recounted among the Maltese today, and some people still seek the help of such practitioners and their magical remedies.

Due to the great influence of the Church and Catholic religion in Malta sometimes it is very difficult to distinguish Christianity from folk traditions, magic, and superstition. Living examples of this are the mixture of non-Catholic symbols such as horseshoes or cattle-horns altogether with pictures of Saints, rosary beads and blessed olive leaves commonly found in Maltese houses or people's vehicles, offering protection and blessing to their owners (Cassar, 2002; Rountree, 2010). According to Zammit-Meampel, people in Malta try to justify mysterious happenings and unexplained phenomena 'either by the intervention of saints if the effect is good, or by some magical supernatural power, such as the evil eye, if the results are harmful' (Zammit-Meample, 1968, p.4).

Case in point is the mysterious healing involving contagious magic [2] (according to Franzer, 1992), or a miracle (if you believe in them), which happened to Charles Zammit Endrich in 1964. This man who suffered from detached retina in his left eye, devotedly prayed to Dun Gorg Preca (canonised in 2007) and placed a piece of the Saint's shoelace under his pillow. By touching the saint's clothing, together with faith and prayers, the man was cured (Rountree, 2010).

2.21 Popular Traditions, Beliefs, and Superstitions

Il-Ħares: The word Ħares, possibly deriving from the Roman Lares (household gods), refers to the Maltese ghost. The legend states that il-Äares in the form of a Turk appeared at a workman in Forte Ricasoli showing him were a treasure was to be found. The miner told his colleagues and together they went looking for the treasure. Concurrently they started digging in the suggested area but found coal instead of coins. The next day the ghost reappeared to the man, beating him up for sharing the secret. Therefore, it is believed that whatever il-Äares tells you should never be disclosed to other entities, as telling others would bring the ghost back to punish you (World Trade Press, 1993). Some believe that il-Äares is present in certain houses; it protects these houses and brings good fortune to the children born there. This ghost appears as an old black serpent, and is called 'the ghost of the house' (Daniels & Stevans, 2003, p. 697). Killing this serpent would result in misfortunate incidents to come to pass all the members of this family (ibid).

Maltese folk culture accredits unpleasant sleep paralysis occurrences to an assault by il-Äaddiela who is the wife of the Äares. Il-Ħaddiela appears to disturb people in similar ways as to those of a mischievous spirit. To keep away this spirit people are suggested to place a piece of silverware or a knife under the pillow prior they go to sleep (Zarb, 1998).

Il-Gawgaw: It is believed that a dreadful spirit wanders by the streets on Christmas Eve. This spirit takes misbehaving children to a faraway place, leaving them there, lifeless. No one has ever seen the shape or form of this monster called il-gawgaw. Babies born on this eve, exactly at midnight, are said to wake up in the middle of the night and to be changed in to il-gawgaw. Hence, on the 24th of December before midnight, those children are given chores, like for example counting the holes of a sieve or strainer, to refrain from falling asleep until Christmas morning comes (Lanfranco, 2002).

Maltese folklore is abounded with stories about supernatural or other unearthly beings, and according to the archives of the Maltese Inquisition, some of these individuals accused of being witches occasionally owed up to their charge (Cassar, 2002). Zarb (1998) recounts how parents used to tell stories about frightening witches to persuade their children to behave properly. He mentions that the people he interviewed in the 70's spoke about witches that were able to fly and to transform themselves into animals or other beings. Those people, Zarb says, believed that such witches really existed, that they were dangerous, and deserved to be punished if caught. He writes of a person who told him about an incident which had happened to his own mother one summer. This person told Zarb that his mother had seen a group of witches flying by and ditching a shoe on to her roof, the shoe was then taken to the village shoe maker and recognised to be one of the shoes he had personally produced.

The Supernatural: Belief in the supernatural, haunted houses and testimonials of apparitions or strange noises is very common in Malta. Zarb writes that visions of late people and/or phantoms and such telepathy are considered to be quite straightforward (Zarb, 1998). During her fieldwork in Malta, Kathryn Rountree, noticed Maltese people to be much more conscious about religion, spirituality, and the supernatural, when compared to other countries. She mentions stories Maltese people told her about people being possessed by demonic spirits, ghost-sightings, haunted houses they were afraid to inhabit, and certain rituals people engage into. For example, because some people are afraid of cemeteries, they make sure to wash their shoes if they happen to visit one in order to eliminate any sort of contamination. Rountree suggests that this 'hyperconsciousness' is resultant of 'the pervasive influence of Catholicism in combination with deeply rooted popular beliefs, traditions and folklore' (Rountree, 2010, p.113).

The Evil Eye: L-GÄajn, or the evil eye can be represented by different terms, like for example, 'an envious stare' or a 'withering glance'. This kind of look in conjunction with a feeling of envy or admiration and a compliment, are bound to generate bad luck. Not only negative feelings such as anger or envy can cause harm to people but also praise and admiration that evoke evil spirits. In Malta as well as in some other countries like Morocco, when someone's look is linked to praising words, it is believed that a curse will take place. Hence, to avoid cursing other people one must use the phrase Alla jbierek - God bless you.

Belief in the evil eye is widely spread in many countries, and in various cultures it is believed that the most susceptible to the influence of the evil eye are mothers and babies. In Malta many people attach children's bad happenings and/or illnesses to the evil eye, even today. In Eastern countries to praise a baby is considered to be very dangerous and is regarded as an insult. After a baby yawns, it is common for Maltese people to make the sign of the cross on the baby's mouth; this is to keep the evil eye from entering the little one's body. In Greece, during childbirth, all mirrors would be removed from the room, because it was believed that the mother could curse herself (Zarb, 1998).

There are several things one can do to protect himself/herself from the evil eye, namely: make the sign of the cross or do the horn [3] - jagÄmlu l-qrun; perform a certain ritual called tbaÄÄir - that is, to undergo fumigation using olive leaves and branches blessed on a Palm Sunday; keep amulets of the horned fist or a single bright red horn; wear coral necklaces; have a niche around the house with a figure of a saint; attach cattle-horns or horse-shoes over their doors; and pray to God (Zarb,1998; Sheehan, 2000; Rountree, 2010).

Although many Maltese people think that the Catholic Church believes in the evil eye, and perhaps there are even certain priests that do concur with its existence, the Church has never officially acknowledged this belief and continues to try to undermine such beliefs, deeming them as ridiculous superstitions, or erroneous beliefs made powerful by some (Spiteri, 1996).

In his book "The Devil and Exorcism", Fr Elias Vella, (one of the leading exorcists in Malta) states that such superstition as the evil eye 'cannot be admitted. Nor is one permitted to wear and carry on him charms and amulets to ward off the evil eye, such as the eye, the horn (horned fist), the red horn and other superstition'. However, he does recommend to keep a cross on oneself for the reason that the Devil 'shrinks back in horror' from it. He also says that it is 'commendable indeed' to wear a medal of the Holy Virgin. Fr Elias clarifies that the items alone do not have any strength if they haven't been blessed beforehand, it is the prayer said when they are blessed in the name of the Church that makes them different from any other object: 'We have to be careful not to reduce these things to magic talismans. They are sacramentals to the extent that their power depends on the disposition of the person using them together with the Church's prayer associated thereto' (Vella, 1994, p. 47-9).

Il-MagÄmul: The word magÄmul refers to a hex or curse. Darmanin (1999a) describes it as every method used to do harm to people with the intervention of Satan. The magÄmul, he explains, takes origin from the hatred found in people whom wish nothing but bad things to others. Father Ghirlando, another Maltese exorcist, states that the spiritual and invisible actions of such a negative power are always associated to material objects. The objects used in such magical rituals include: animal blood, menstruating blood, sperm, powdered bones collected from cemeteries, pieces of wood, metal, magical prayers, photographs, dolls, models of coffins made from wax, etc,. The objects used for the magÄmul are 'consecrated' during long rituals that are supposed to charge these objects with negativity (Ghirlando, 1997).

From the records of the Inquisition of Mdina during the 16th and 17th centuries one can get a clear idea of the great importance the Maltese population in those times gave to superstitions and magÄmul. An episode reported by a certain Tumas Vella from Valletta in front of the Inquisitor Giovanni Tempi in 1670 describes how a Turkish slave named Musa helped his wife get rid of a magÄmul by performing a number of rituals on this woman, involving the use of perfumes, writing Turkish words on her hand and reciting them aloud, and killing a white hen in the same room the woman was (Bonnici, 1992). This is an example of a counter spell, or in other words a ritual against an already believed in existent spell or curse. Psychologists say that these kinds of spells are successful only when the victim believes in the power of the magician (Hines, 1988).

Love and Marriage: In past times, the father of a young woman would put a pot of basil on the right hand side of their window pale and another one with carnations on the left. This was to indicate that his daughter was ready for marriage. Covered in traditional clothing called mustaxija, the young woman would then go out on the balcony for young men to get a glimpse of her. Then, at night the interested young men would sing a serenade under the young woman's balcony. Il-Ħuttab or Äuttaba - the match-maker, was subsequently called in to arrange the negotiations necessary for the couple to get together. (If the young women had problems with her menstruations or did not menstruate, the match-maker was not able to find a man for her). The father of the young woman would meet the young man and his family, and if they reach a consensus, the young woman would send a white satin handkerchief to the interested young man as a sign of purity and love. The eve of their wedding, the parents of the bride would make the groom sign a contract stating that he would take his wife to three major festivities, namely: l-Imnarja, San Girgor, and San Ä wann. The bride used to entre her own house only after the wedding, and the bed of the couple was to have been made by the mother of the bride the first time (FriÄ¡Ä¡ieri, 1986; Cassar-Pullicino, 1992; Zarb, 1998; Lanfranco, 2002).

It is bad luck for brides to sew their own wedding dresses or to look at themselves in the mirror while wearing the dress. Another superstition which is still present these days is that the groom is forbidden to see the bride wearing her wedding dress before the actual ceremony because it is a sign of danger and a difficult married life (ibid).

Maltese brides pray for rain on their wedding day because it is believed that heavy rain on your wedding day will bring good luck and that the bride will have an easy birth with her first born. Hence, many couples plan their wedding to fall on the days when heavy rains are predicted, including the 21st of October - Sant Ursula, the 23rd of November - Santa Katarina, and the 13th of December - Santa Luċija. Other preferred months are those of January, April and August; these are the months when the ground is most fertile, and it is believed that women will be fertile as well (Cassar-Pullicino, 1992). There was a time when no marriages were allowed during Lent, and a marriage in the month of May is envisaged to fail or to produce rebellious children (World Trade Press, 1993).

To avoid bad luck married couples should be very careful not to lose one or both wedding bands. They should also buy furniture after their wedding and godparents should not get married within 40 days of their godchild's birth date (Zarb, 1998).

Pregnancy and Children: Maltese superstitions about fertility and pregnancy are very much alike beliefs shared in other Mediterranean countries as well as those believed in by the Jewish society. Traditional proverbs such as: "Iż-żwieÄ¡ mingÄajr tarbija ma fihx tgawdija", meaning; "A childless marriage is not a happy marriage" and "U gÄammru u tgÄammru, u spiÄ‹Ä‹at", meaning; "Their love was consumated, the female was impregnated and the cycle of life was perpetuated", reveal the great weight Maltese people give to childbearing and fertility, as well as their worries and preoccupations. What a pregnant woman sees can affect the unborn child in a positive or negative way. Catching sight of pleasing or beautiful things has a positive effect on the baby, while experiencing bad things or looking at dead bodies can cause miscarriage or stillbirth. Some cautious measures an expectant mother should adhere to include avoiding cemeteries during pregnancy, making the sign of the cross on her belly when faced by a great fear, and looking into a basin of water and making a wish in it, to save her foetus from being affected (Zarb, 1998).

Another popular superstition involves mothers to be and their cravings for specific foods, because unsatisfying a pregnant woman's desire would lead to a birthmark on her child - jitwieled bix-xewqa. Some also say that the birthmark would be the shape of the specific food the mother wished for (ibid).

According to Zarb, these ideas are based on the law of attraction, or what anthropologist James Frazer calls sympathetic magic. A person's positive outlook on life will attract good events and beautiful things, while negative thoughts, feelings and emotions will attract nothing but ugly things, leading to bad consequences (Rountree, 2010).

By means of a wedding ring attached to a string, Maltese women say they can predict the sex of their unborn child. If when placed above the abdomen the ring oscillates sideways it is indicative of a baby girl, while back and forth alludes to a baby boy. Expectant mothers say they are also able to anticipate the day they will give birth to their child, either by the cycle of the moon or by plummeting a dried passion flower in water, as delivery of the baby would be due when the flower starts blooming (Cassar-Pullicino, 1992;World Trade Press, 1993; Zarb, 1998).

During pregnancy Maltese women rely very much on saints, namely: St. Victor - the patron saint of pregnant women, St. Peter the Martyr, and Saints Spiridione, Calogero, Ludgarda, and Raymond. They pray to these saints and keep images or statues of them during delivery for a safe and easy childbirth (ibid).

In older times it was customary for mothers to stay in bed for three days after giving birth. A new mother would leave her house for the first time only to take her newborn to church, to present the child before God and to give him thanks - tippreżenta lit-tarbija tagÄha. Today, many mothers still follow this tradition and take their babies to their parish church to present them to God; certain localities celebrate special masses for this occasion and invite new parents to take their newborns to this event. It was also habitual to ask the midwife to pierce the baby's ears (if it was a girl) when the baby was 40 days old. Then, when the girl turned 5 years old, they would change her earrings and offer them to the Madonna, the Virgin Mary. This was believed to protect the child from bad luck and the evil eye. A boy would be given a ring so to keep bad luck away from him. These days many people still offer gold jewellery to the Madonna and other Saints as a sign of gratitude and appreciation (World Trade Press, 1993; Zarb, 1998; Lanfranco, 2002).

It is believed that a baby is born with the original sin, and parents fear their child would go to the limbo if it were to die unbaptised. Therefore, baptism is to be done as quickly as possible. Some mothers also avoid taking their babies out of the house or showing them to people before their son or daughter is baptised because they are afraid that someone could curse their baby (Zarb, 1998).

Il-Quċċija: Il-Quċċija is one of the popular rituals still observed today. On a child's first birthday it is a tradition for Maltese parents to organise a party and invite relatives over for the quċċija. Different objects representing various careers are placed in front of the child, and whatever the infant chooses first is said to determine the child's future. Among the objects it is common to find rosary beads, the Bible, or a crucifix to represent a religious or monastic life, a calculator to represent a profession in accountancy, or a stethoscope to represent a medical vocation. Children choosing money would lead a comfortable wealthy life, while those grabbing a hard-boiled egg would have a long life and many children. Books, pens and pencils represent intelligence and possible careers of teachers or writers (World Trade Press, 1993).

Il-Luzzu: The Maltese traditional boat is called the luzzu. These boats are usually named after a saint and have a picture of the Madonna inside the cabin for protection. A common characteristic of these boats which is tied to superstition is the Eye of Osiris believed to ward off the Evil Eye and to protect fishermen from any harm at sea. This tradition was probably brought to Malta from Egypt by the Phoenicians. These boats are also typically painted in red, yellow and blue, and although the wide choice of other available colours, Maltese people keep faithful to the original colours that were chosen by their ancestors for good luck (Attard, 2001).

Wine and Gozo: Different sayings, poems and superstitions are related to the importance of wine in Gozo. One of these superstitions sates that pouring wine on the ground will placate the gods in prospect of keeping the ground fertile. Some people believe it, while others emphasise the importance of accidental spilling of the wine and trust it has nothing to do with fertility but that it brings good luck in general (Attard, 1995). Another myth about wine is that menstruating females should avoid going to cellars not to affect the taste of freshly made wine (World Trade Press, 1993).

Good luck vs Bad luck: Like many other countries, Malta holds a series of superstitions or myths that are said to bring along either good luck or bad luck and misfortune to the people whom involuntary or accidentally perform certain actions. Catching sight of a white moth is a sign of good luck, as are spilling wine, and soaking a ring or money in a child's bath water. While bad luck can be initiated by dropping a knife; wearing new clothes on Friday; killing a black moth; working on Good Friday; and spilling oil or salt. In some of the mentioned situations there are rituals one can perform to avert the bad luck, like for instance, when dropping salt one must take some of the salt and sprinkle it over the left shoulder, and by chanting: 'As the salt dissolves, the bad luck goes out', the bad omen is reversed (World Trade Press, 1993, p.2). Some of the believed in superstitions are thought to be so powerful that they can also bring death in families, such as dreaming of candles, or bringing an acacia tree inside the house (ibid).

2.3 Superstition and Religion

'I am the Lord thy God,

thou shalt not have strange gods before me.

Thou shalt not make to thyself a graven thing,

nor the likeness of anything that is in heaven above,

or in the earth beneath...

thou shalt not adore them nor serve them'

(Exodus, 20:2-5).

Superstition is divided in to four different kinds, namely: improper worship of the true God or indebitus veri Dei cultus; idolatry; divination; and vain observance, including magic and occult (Herbermann, 1912). This categorisation occurs due to the different ways impairing religion by excess. Worship to God becomes improper when insignificant factors become part of the accepted usual performance; it becomes a form of idolisation when proposed to other beings considered to be divinities. When individuals seek to acquire information about their future through religious rituals it is considered to be a divination; while practices comprising the paranormal and supernatural, and the use of white or black magic to cause positive or evil consequences fall under the umbrella of vain observances (ibid).

Superstition has been present in religion since the beginning of time. Even in the Bible one can see the great significance people gave to such things as curses as well as they did to grace. People mentioned in the scriptures believed in the great power and strength of curses and were terrified of the devastating effects that would follow. There are various narrations one can find about people going to particular individuals to curse others for them. A good example is that of Balak who went to Balgham (the magician), and told him to curse the people of Israel (KKK, 1993). However, according to the New Testament, Saint Paul used to teach Catholics how to bless their enemies instead of cursing them (Romans, 12:14). The New Testament also promises no more curse for the New Jerusalem: 'ebda saÄta ma jkun hemm iżjed fiha' (Apok, 22:3).

In the first one thousand years of Christianity there was no clear distinction between religion and magic. Some Popes even had their personal master of astrology. Many Christian authors were never consistent in their acceptance of superstitious practices or at least, they did not clearly identify between what was religious or superstitious, magic or miracle, Christian or Pagan. The only clear distinction they did was that between good or bad magic (white or black magic). For example, when someone restored to good health it was believed that this was a miracle through God's intervention, on the other hand, when someone's field would not be fruitful in times of harvest, it would be considered to be cursed with a form of magÄmul and the intervention of the devil (KKK, 1993; Darmanin, 1999b).

During the Middle Ages people's total understanding of the world was created through a combination of Christian Doctrine and superstition. It was a time where unexplained happenings were attributed either to God's will or to evil spirits. The dominant philosophies of the Catholic Church possibly played an important part in drawing attention to superstition. It was a time of fear where the negative philosophy used in medieval teachings portraying God as an unfeasible combination of benevolence, severity, intolerance and cruelty, gave rise to an overabundance of superstitions formed and adhered to by dedicated Christians to try and please God or to win his favour. Many of these superstitions developed because Christians were compelled to fear the vile forces existing in this world, believing that the reason for their damage and sufferings was conveyed by evil forces (Bornstein, 2010).

Although the Enlightenment period was a huge leap forward for humanity, which brought about many answers to the mysteries of the universe, it was a period where various thinkers still maintained that religious and superstitious beliefs were indistinguishable. Christian disciples believed that any other religion that was non-Christian was nothing but a form of superstition (Parish & Naphy, 2003). Enlightenment philosopher John Trenchard in 1709 wrote that the dominance of religion in society was a conquest for the potency of superstition above the forces of reason.

Every religion holds in part some form of superstition, like how for instance, in times of trouble Catholics (in a superstitious manner) believe they can find the right words offering a solution for their problems by opening the Bible randomly. Many times, what is considered to be religion for some is nothing but superstition for others: Kostantinu used to refer to Paganism as a superstition, while, Tacitu believed that Catholicism was a form of destructive superstition. Often Protestants look at the Christian's devotion to saints, pictures, and relics as a form of superstition, and those whom are part of the more popular and renowned religions think that the religious practices performed by the Aborigines are nothing but mere superstitions (KKK, 1993; Darmanin, 1999b). Superstition in different religions can be seen through people's faith in extraordinary events, apparitions or supernatural interventions, belief in reincarnation, lucky charms, potions, omens and fortune-telling. In Christians this is observed through the magical or almost magical powers that some Catholics attribute to holy water, relics, and other things that have previously made contact with something sacred. The sign of the cross can also sometimes be done out of superstition, and certain prayers, especially when one asks in supplikatorju; like for instance, praying for rain or for natural disasters not to happen. A superstitious aspect in praying may also be linked to the idea that the more one prays and shouts out his/her prayers the more one will receive what he or she wants (Zusne & Jones, 1989; KKK, 1993).

Dr Alfred Darmanin (1999) writes that for some individuals, God is considered to be like a magician, providing miracles on demand, and that people many times pray for material things like, a good job, a healing, success during an interview or exams, notwithstanding God's will. A lot of Maltese Catholics believe in horoscopes, clairvoyants and fortunetellers for predictions about their future and destiny, while others insist on having their cars blessed, more as a form of insurance against accidents rather than to remember to drive safely. These kinds of attitudes show a tendency towards a superstitious religiosity. Certain studies also indicate that the more religious people are, the more they are found to be superstitious and to believe in supernatural and other paranormal activities (Buhrmann & Zaugg, 1981; Rapoport, 1989).

Even though the clear relationship between Religion and Superstition one can identify a number of differences that separate and distinct one from the other. To start off with, religion is characterised by morality which is evidently absent in the world of superstition. While superstition may take place in times of doubt or to control anxiety, religion is custom practice (Malinowski, 1948), and religious teachings, contrary to superstitious, beliefs are directed towards the trust in God rather than controlling unfortunate happenings. Hood, Hill, and Spika (2009), also argue that religion entails extensive social learning when compared to how one learns about superstition and/or becomes superstitious.

2.4 Illusion of Control

The locus of control is the person's insight on what kind of control he/she has over situations; the belief that they can influence positive or negative happenings - Internal locus of control, or that happenings are pre determined by external forces - External locus of control (Lefcourt, 1982). Studies suggest that there is a relationship between locus of control and categories of superstition (Tobacyk, Nagot, & Miller, 1988). To regain control over situations in which control is either reduced or lacking, people often make us of superstitious strategies and have this illusion of control.

The concept of illusion of control is related to individuals whom believe they have the power or ability to control events that are purely based on fate or chance. Langer (1975) suggests that people have this conviction that they can succeed in skill situations as a result of their overconfidence and overestimation of personal control. Priority, consistency, and exclusivity, are also factors that might aid in creating this illusion of control (Wegner 2002; Wegner & Wheatley 1999). An experiment carried out by Wegner and Wheatley (1999) shows how the participants from their experiment thought they were able to cause results to happen, proving the element of priority. The participants believed that they were responsible for leading the curser to a particular spot on a computer screen after being previously asked to envisage a spot on the screen. Pronin, Wegner, McCarthy, & Rodriguez (2006) also sustain that the element of consistency was attained between people's objectives and final results or happenings. Their experiment consisted in asking participants to think about how the players of a college basketball game could improve their performance and help their team win, participants believed that with their positive thoughts they were able to help the team win, when it did actually win the game.

In the attempt of succeeding and producing a desired outcome, people are predisposed to repeat a form of behaviour that may have previously led them to a positive conclusion (Killeen, 1978).

Whitson and Galinsky (2008) also confirm that people are driven by a psychological need for control which provides them with the confidence they need to envisage positive strategies to reduce doubts and ambiguity. Their study revealed that people with little or no control tricked themselves into seeing illusory images and believing in things that were not real, leading them to act in a superstitious manner. Participants were asked to mention circumstances they had already been through, and those who had recounted occurrences where they had no control were more likely to believe they could control outcomes through superstitious rituals, they were also anxious about things that could happen if specific superstitious rituals were not performed in the same exact manner in forthcoming occasions. These participants were then asked to think about values they cherish and to visualize these values in situations where they felt they had no control; results showed that through this exercise, participants were able to restore feelings of control. The researchers maintained that re-establishing a sense of control in people helped them stabilise their views and actions (ibid).

This is also the case with students believing that they have control over chance and therefore engaging into superstitious behaviour (Van Raalte, Brewer, Nemeroff, & Linder, 1991). According to Dudley (1999) superstition prevents the formation of learned helplessness in individuals, as superstition and illusion of control help people deal with unsolvable matters. Results of his study show that superstitious young people with stronger Paranormal Beliefs were able to work out more anagrams after having had the experience of trying to answer an unworkable problem; on the other hand, students who scored lower on Tobacyk's revised Paranormal Belief Scale (PBS) managed to work out less of the problems following the unworkable problem (Tobacyk & Milford, 1983; Tobacyk, 2004).

Extensive research established a linkage between external locus of control, superstition and spiritualism (Wolfradt, 1997); including belief in paranormal phenomena (Allen & Lester, 1994; Randall & Desrosiers, 1980; Tobayck & Milford, 1983); fate and astrology (Sosis, Strickland, & Haley, 1980). Case, Fitness, Cairns, & Stevenson (2004) also sustain this relationship between fate and external locus of control. Their experiment shows that when participants were faced with situations of failure or ones they could not control their choice to adhere to psychics and tarot readings increased considerably. Superstitious people with higher external locus of control and who build their existence relying on such things as fate or destiny may lead a poor quality life based on the occurrence of a small number of positive reinforcers or extended periods of negative stimuli (ibid).

Other research also supports the reality that people engage into superstitious rituals even though they are aware of the fact that they will not have an effect on the resultant happenings with their behaviour (Rogers, 1998; Bleak & Frederick, 1998). Many times, individuals, especially students, gamblers, and people involved in sports, make use of lucky charms; have lucky numbers; wear lucky clothing; or perform a pattern of actions or rituals, just in case. This is done notwithstanding their understanding that the outcome is based on other factors rather than superstition; like for instance, how many gamblers know it is based on probability. In sports, this is also done just in case, although athletes say they don't believe superstition can affect the result of their game, a high level of superstitious behaviour is very evident among people engaging into sports (Bleak & Frederick, 1998). A study conducted by Rudski & Edwards (2007) maintains that although students made use of lucky charms during exams they did not give credit to these objects or rituals when they sat for their exams, possibly denying the fact that they really are superstitious. According to Campbell (1996) this can be regarded as 'modern superstition', nowadays people are less likely to admit the fact that they are superstitious even though they engage into superstitious rituals or share superstitious beliefs. He also states their motivation for engaging into superstition is because they are looking for emotional reassurance and through superstition their emotive needs are met. Rather than giving up on things, by means of superstitious rituals and this illusion of control, individuals choose agency and therefore act upon things and situations they believe they can control.